CHAPTER EIGHT
Dogra Rule
(1846-1947 A.D.)There
are ample historical records available establishing the existence of age-old
ties between Kashmir and Jammu as two separate regions. Not only that there
were matrimonial alliances between the ruling dynasties of the two regions,
but also political, commercial and cultural contacts linking the people
of the two regions into closer bonds of unity. As per the Rajtarangini
and other historical documents, the rulers of Jammu provided shelter to
many dissenters from Kashmir and also actively participated in many battles
fought on the soil of Kashmir. Many political developments of great import
were aided and abetted by the rulers of Jammu. The contiguity of the two
regions laid the basis for the development of a close interaction between
them despite the mountain ramparts posing serious barriers for such an
interaction.
Prior to Gulab
Singh making his debut, Jammu had no unified government, but was divided
into numerous feudatories perpetually at war with each other. Credit goes
to Maharaja Gulab Singh, who founded the State of Jammu and Kashmir through
his political acumen, valour and ability to divine and measure future developments.
With a view to weaken the Sikh regime, the Britishers through the Treaty
of Amritsar transferred the territory of Kashmir to Maharaja Gulab Singh,
who had stood by them through thick and thin. The Dogra rulers by and large
ushered in a new era of peace and prosperity in Kashmir. Many significant
developments in the areas of trade, commerce, communication and education
got registered during the rule of Dogras. The British interference in the
management of the state affairs not only slowed down the pace of development,
but also weakened the state power to a larger extent. Given to the policy
of divide and rule, the Britishers played the Muslims against the Hindus
with a view to strengthen their hold on the state power only for safeguarding
their imperial interests.
During the
Dogra period of Kashmir history, the Kashmirian Hindus were not subjected
to barbaric treatment as had been their fate in the Muslim rule. They enjoyed
comparative peace and respite. But it never meant that there were no marauders
out to loot, kill and maraud them. The fanatical elements were only lying
in wait for an opportune moment to harass, intimidate, loot and plunder
them. The Dogra rulers subscribing to the faith of Hinduism proved a blessing
for such elements. The propaganda inside and outside the pulieux of Kashmir
was vigorously launched that the Dogra rulers were inimical to the Muslims,
out to kill and crush them. The declaration of Maharaja Hari Singh that
'Justice was his religion' made no impact on such communal elements among
the Muslim populace.
The Hindus
not given to the campaigns for proselytisation outright rejected the suggestion
of Maharaja Ranbir Singh, a scion of the Dogra dynasty, to reconvert the
Muslims to the fold of Hinduism as they were forcibly converted to the
faith of Islam and were willing to hark back to their original faith and
creed. Even the influential elements among the Hindus of Kashi are said
to have turned down the suggestion of the Maharaja.l This particular instance
speaks volumes for the tolerant creed of the Hindus, who, dead-set against
the use of force for converting men of other faiths to their religion.
They contribute to a pluralistic concept of religion and society allowing
every individual to espouse his faith without any interference from any
quarter. The Hindus without an exception have worked for social peace,
harmony and cohesion and have never launched upon marauding campaigns for
conversion.
The battle
against the Kashmirian Hindus started off with the cry that they had an
absolute monopoly of the state services. The fact of the matter was that
they had impeccable academic credentials for entry into the services, but
were actually considered for lower rungs of services. It was the Punjabi
and Bengali Hindu and Muslim, who were manning all the superior services
of the state. The Kashmirian Muslims wallowing in dust and dirt had yet
to register an advance in the field of education despite many concerted
efforts made by the rulers of the land including the measure to forcibly
put the Muslim scholars to schools.
That many of
the Kashmirian Hindus, bright people by all standards, who had been abroad
in pursuit of academics, aspired to join the state services, but were denied
such opportunities by the powers that be.2 Unlike the Muslims, the Kashmirian
Hindus have maintained a top record of literacy rate, which fact is cognized
even by the UNESCO, a vital organ of the United Nations Organisation.
The Kashmirian
Hindus recognizable an advanced segment of the Kashmirian society in terms
of cultural and academic achievements were responsible tor innovating certain
new ideas aiming at an advancement and emancipation of the entire fabric
of society comprising different shades and strands. They were fully aware
of the ills of an exploitative system prevalent in the land of Kashmir
sapping the total fabric allowing some to obtain the lion's share at the
cost of the general populace. They firmly clung to the idea that the decadent
and moribund system of government based on autocracy was to be done away
with for the betterment and progress of the entire society. That is why
sons of high and very affluent Hindu families contributed to the growth
of nationalist movement in Kashmir. Fully cognisant of the role of the
Punjabi and Bengali bureaucracy in manning state machine, the Kashmirian
Hindus joined the ranks of the Jummuites seeking the entry of the Mulkis
into the key positions of the state. Maharaja Hari Singh with ample grains
of patriotism in him was not averse to the innovative idea motivating all
sections of people from the regions of Jammu and Kashmir. The first momentous
meeting demanding the entry of the residents of Jammu and Kashmir into
the key positions of the state services was held in Jammu and was presided
over hy Pandit Jia Lal Kilam, a very prominent personality of the Kashmirian
Hindu community.
The state subject
movement was basically generated and strengthened by the Kashmirian Hindus,
who had sailed abroad to invest themselves with modern education prevalent
in the West. Fired with new thought and conceptual frame, these youngmen
led by Pandit Shankar Lal Koul carried on a relentless campaign in the
Indian press for the Kashmirians to be solely employed to man the administrative
set-up of the state. They were not sectarian and partisan. They covertly
contributed to the growth of nationalist ideology embracing all segments
of the state population. It was their patriotic zeal which led to the popularisation
of the ideas of freedom, equality and universal brotherhood among lhe
Kashmirians.
The introduction of such ideas in the backward polity of Kashmir was of
farreaching importance in matters of forging a new movement for the political
and economic emancipation of the Kashmirians of all hues. First to be attracted
by modern education and modern political thought processes, the Kashmirian
Hindus were the precursors of the futuristie movements forged for shaping
new destinies of the Kashmirians as a whole.
Being above
narrow considerations and sectarian interests, the Kashmirian Hindus as
the vanguard of the Kashmirian society led to the enactment and implementation
of the state subject law covering all shades of population without distinction
of caste, creed and religion. Pandit Jia Lal Kilam, Pandit Jia Lal Jalali
and Pandit Shanker Lal Koul were in the front ranks of the agitation for
enactment of the state subject benefiting the Hindus, Muslims and Dogras
of all shades. The Hindus of Jammu region also played a momentous role
in ridding the state of outside bureaucracy.
Yet another
innovative idea regarding the establishment of a Labour Board for looking
after the interests of the Muslim labourers migrating to Jammu and the
Punjab to earn their pittance in winter months was mooted by Pandit Kashyap
Bandhu, a bright son of the Hindu community. The labourers more often than
not fell prey to a dreaded disease like malaria and the Maharaja's government
by and large was apathetic to their miserable plight. Pandit Bandhu as
the pioneer of the idea of Labour Board aroused the Maharaja's interest
in the problems confronting the Muslims of Kashmir. He was solely motivated
by the design of bettering the lot of the Kashmirian Muslims. The Kashmirian
Hindus in appreciable numbers joined the ranks of the agitationists agitating
against the use ur a despicable nomenclature of hato for the Kashmirian
Muslim labourers working in Jammu and other parts of the Punjab. What needs
be emphasised is that the Kashmirian Hindus as the cream of the Kashmirian
society of varied hues concertedly worked for the weal and welfare of the
majority population of Kashmir, thus rising above narrow interests and
partisan ends.
The bright
sons of the Kashmirian Hindu community having come under the powerful impact
of westernised education and thought models were the first to demand a
legislature elected by the popular vote, free press and free platform for
purposes of highlighting the urgent problems facing the Kashmirians of
all denominations. The demand over the years snowballed forcing the Dogra
ruler to form a legislative body though limited in range and scope of its
functioning. The Kashmirian Hindus without an iota of doubt were the first
to set the tone and tenor for the coming events in the domain of Kashmir
politics.
The Kashmirian
Hindus with a powerful background of generations of education were instrumental
in introducing the Kashmirian Muslims to the light of education, especially
the modern education. The obscurantist Muslims clinging to archaic models
of thought vehementaly opposed all positive efforts in the direction of
establishing new type of schools for investing the Muslim scholars with
modern education. The Mullahs as the custodians of the Muslim brain and
conscience hatefully castigated the Muslims motivated by the idea of putting
the Muslim scholars to schools imparting liberal education. Such Muslims
were denounced as heretics thereby forcing them to abandon their plans
for radicalising and reforming the mind-set of the Muslim community as
a whole.
There is no
denying the fact that Molvi Rasool Shah despite all opposition from conservative
Muslims undertook the vital project of setting up an Islamia school for
the Muslim scholars with a view to introduce them to westernised education
apart from the religious teaching considered far greater in importance
than the liberal pattern of education. The Muslim opinion was dead-set
against any form of liberal education as it was deemed to lead to the dilution
of Islamic teachings in the mind-set of the blooming buds. Molvi Rasool
Shah was physically assaulted and hurt inflicted on him. Even the Kashmirian
Hindus, who had stood by him in undertaking the pioneering work, were equally
manhandled and hurt. They were warned of dire consequences if they continued
to meddle in the religious affairs of Muslims. Despite it, to the chagrin
of the Muslim stereotypes, the fact of history is that the Islamia school
was established with the active support of the Kashmirian Hindus. The said-school
to this day was manned and run by the Kashmirian Hindu teachers of high
academic merit guided and motivated by the pious design of drawing the
budding scholars out from the enveloping darkness of ignorance and investing
them with new visions and dreams only to set a new tone for the Kashmirian
Muslim society at large. There was hardly a home in village, hamlet and
city where a Kashmirian Hindu would not go with the torch of light and
knowledge held aloft by his feeble hands.
Only to invest
the Muslim scholars with new type of education, Shri Kanth Koul founded
National High School at Baramulla. The said school has rendered a yeoman's
service to the Muslims, who deliberately kept away from westernised education.
Another such school was founded by Pandit Swaroop Nath Raina, a veteran
freedom fighter, at Shopian. It enrolled peasant boys absolutely poor and
deprived and served as a beacon light for furthering the cause of Muslim
education. The schools were run by the Kashmirian Hindus and the teachers-essentially
Hindus effacingly devoted themselves to the task of endowing the Muslim
blooming buds with such education as would prove of great henefit in shaping
their lives in a different mould. Pandit Dina Nath Hanjura, a wellknown
scholar and educationist, headed the National School at Shopian. If you
kill a dog in Kashmir, his dying confession will be that he was taught
by a Kashmiri Pandit.
Be it said
that the Kashmirian Hindus have been heir to a rich store house of learning
and erudition and despite all odds they have preserved their instinctive
lust for learning. The currents and cross-currents of history have played
havoc with their psyche. They through the vicissitudes of history have
been subjected to frequent bouts of loot, plunder, ravage and massacre.
Bereft of rest and peace, they have been perpetually haunted by the spectre
of insecurity, instability and uncertainity. Forced to march out of their
native place only to save their skin in face of tremendous persecution,
the Kashmirian Hindus could not but develop resilience and tough fibre
to suffer untold miseries and traumas quite patiently. They would have
undoubtedly made richer contributions to the formation of culture and civilisation
had they not been hounded out every now and then by the Muslim zealots.
The Kashmirian Hindus unlike the Muslims have never chosen to be sunk in
the quagmire of communal bigotry, sectarianism and narrow interests.
With a view
to draw the Muslim women out of the well of backwardness, male tyranny
and more than most ignorance, the Kashmirian Hindus under the inspiring
guidance and leadership of Pandit Sri Kanth Toshkhani, Professor of Philosophy,
Sri Pratap College, Srinagar established a school for Muslim girls, who
were initiated and given impetus to come to schools for learning 3 R's.
What is highly significant is that Prof. Toshkhani and the Kashmirian Hindu
lady teachers launched upon a door-to-door campaign mobilising the Muslims
to put their daughters to the school. Hindu lady teachers would even go
to the homes of Muslim girls only to provide them with more of guidance
as they were first generation learners of backward and ignorant parents,
who had consciously kept away from the light of education despite countless
incentives provided to them by the Hindu ruler and his government.
The Dogra period
of Kashmir history was marked by the British advent into Kashmir. The Dogras
could not but succumb to the pressures put on them by the British masters
working assiduously for watching the imperial interests in Kashmir, which
had come to acquire a position of importance in their total game-plan.
It was natural for the British officers to have come into contact with
the Kashmirian Hindus, who were present in the Administrative set up at
the lower rungs. They were impressed by the suavity, cultured demeanour,
general ability and intelligence of the Kashmirian Hindus. They appreciated
their qualities of head and heart especially their administrative skills.
That the stock of the Kashmirian Hindus was very much up with the Britishers
gets testified by the mention various European travellers have made about
them in their travelogues and other tomes. To them, a Kashmirian Hindu
was conservative in sticking to his religious practices, but modern in
adapting himself to new thought nuances and manner of dress. But, the British
encouragement of Kashmirian Hindu was short-lived and they wove and hatched
conspiracies not only to derogate them but also to get them looted, plundered
and killed.
The Britishers
developed hatred and revulsion for the Kashmirian Hindus when they got
attracted to new developments in the arena of Indian politics initiated
and led by the Indian National Congress symbolising the aspirations of
the Indian masses for a new order based on self rule, democracy and free
thinking. The highly educated sections of the Kashmirian Hindus directly
participated in the struggle for freedom from the British yoke and contributed
their mite to the spread and dissemination of new thought structures as
enunciated by Gandhi and Nehru at the national level and Marx, Engels and
Lenin at the international level. The Testament of New Kashmir contains
all the seed ideas and thought trends, which the bright sons of the Kashmirian
Hindu community had imbibed through their intelligent and painstaking study
of the works of Marx, Engels and Lenin and a host of Marxist thinkers.
Kashmir had
an intelligent group of Radical Humanists, who through their ideological
discourse led to the dissemination of their ideas in the backward polity
of Kashmir. The fact remains that they could not win many sympathizers
for their ideology among the Muslims of Kashmir. The proponents of the
ideology of Radical Humanism were mostly Kashmirian Hindus hailing from
all walks of life.
The Btitish
officers stationed in Kashmir and elsewhere felt a cold shiver down their
spine when the Kashmirian Hindus led by their fiery sons demonstrated against
the arrest of Gandhi and supported his clarion call tor boycott of foreign
goods. The bonfire of foreign goods in the S.R. Ganj locality of Srinagar
in 1930 amply demonstrated the patriotic zeal and fervour of the Kashmirian
Hindus, who had their gaze fixed on new political forces shaping and emerging
both on national and international scene. Unlike many other communities,
they were not bogged down in the mire of communal politics. It will not
be out of place to mention that the first memorandum submitted to Maharaja
Hari Singh by the Muslims of Kashmir sought a ban on Indian National Congress
and the activities of the Kashmirian Hindus fraternising with the organisation.3
The Britishers
feeling alarmed at the new orientation given to the Kashmirian politics
by the Kashmirian Pandits took no time in hatching conspiracies against
them only to deflect them from the path of patriotism and nationalism.
They in complicity with the All India Muslim Conference of Lahore and a
group of Muslims in Jammu let loose a flood of vicious propaganda on the
backward and illiterate masses of Kashmir arousing their communal and sectarian
passions. Allegations were levelled against some Hindu constables of Jammu
only to foment communal trouble. A Hindu police sub-inspector, Babu Khem Chand, was accused of heresy as he had not permitted a Molvi to read out
khutba. He was dismissed from services even though the magistrate in his
judgment had made it amply clear that he was not reading Khutba but delivering
a political speech against the ruler characterising him as cruel and tyrant.
4 Another Hindu head constable, Labh Ram, was accused of desecrating the
Quran.5 The government feeling jittery dismissed the employee without probing
the entire incident. The Muslim groups communally oriented did not feel
satiated by the dismissal of the two employee as they had different plans
up their sleeves only to be materialised in the loot, murder and arson
of the Kashmirian Pandits. The Reading Room Party led by Sheikh Abdullah
was an abettor of the vicious propaganda unleashed against the Hindus,
who had been the main target of the Muslim politics. The life size posters
instigating the Muslims to protest and revolt proved a catalyst for the
communal frenzy engulfing the Kashmirian Pandits.
On 13th of
July, 1931, history for the Kashmirian Hindus got repeated. They were put
to an orgy of loot, murder and arson. Their houses and business establishments
were ruthlessly looted and put to flames. They were cruelly killed and
mercilessly beaten and roughed up. As per the official records, numerous
Kashmirian Hindus were killed and countless seriously wounded. The worst
affected areas were Maharaj Ganj and Vicharnag localities in Srinagar.
Hindus everywhere in the valley of Kashmir were subjected to harassment,
intimidation, persecution and torture. The goons had their heyday everywhere
especially in Srinagar indulging in loot, murder and arson. Wakefield,
the then Home Minister, turned a Nelson's Eye to all the happenings corroding
public order. He was fiddling with the Resident while the valley was burning.
The British officers mostly owing allegiance to the British network of
intelligence in complicity and connivance with the communal forces in the
Valley were guilty of looting, murdering and pillaging the Kashmirian Hindus.
One Qadir,
a bearer in the employ of an European, was responsible for instigating
the Muslim crowd got collected in the Mir Ali Hamadani Mosque in Srinagar
to choose their representatives for a meeting with the Maharaja. He was
tried for sedition and during the course of hearing held in camera, the
Muslim crowds gate crashed into the Central Jail in Srinagar only to disrupt
the judicial process. The police posse stationed on duty fired leaving
ten Muslims killed. What ensued was mayhem, loot and murder for the Hindus
of Kashmir. The government pursued a policy of drift and never brought
the looters and killers to book for the crimes against the fragile minority
of Hindus. Those responsible for letting loose a reign of terror for the
helpless and hapless Hindus were hailed and bolstered up as freedom fighters
and even as martyrs. The communal orgy had its full sway for two weeks
and Maharaja Hari Singh's government proved utterly incapable of providing
protection to the victims of loot, murder and arson. As per government
records, the total loss suffered by the Hindus in the destruction of their
properties was estimated to be exceeding a crore of rupees.5
Pandit Prem
Nath Bazaz,7 known for his pro-Pak leanings, was not forthright in condemning
the Muslim communalism, which had been systematically working for the annihilation
of the Hindu minority in Kashmir. He span a wayward theory for justifying
the loot and murder of the Hindus, who were equally poor, deprived and
bereft. Why loot and murder only the Hindus of Kashmir? Why were not the
big sharks among the Muslim landed gentry looted and killed ? Shree Bazaz
had his own specific approach to the evaluation of the communal politics
in Kashmir7 whjch perhaps fitted in the entire scheme of things he had
in mind for Kashmir.
Sheikh Abdullah
is recorded to have characterised the communal happenings on 13th July,
1931 as the handiwork of the goons, who stole the occasion for indulgence
in loot and murder of the Kashmirian Hindus. His comment came in the wake
of the address he made to the Kashmirian Hindus at Sheetalnath for the
first time in his political career.8
The Kashrnirian
Hindus as the hapless victims of loot, murder and arson demanded an impartial
enquiry into the communal incidents. An Enquiry Committee was set up, but
it stopped short of launching a thorough probe into the entire gamut of
happenings leading to the infliction of worst ever atrocities on the Kashmirian
Hindus. Not punishing the guilty, the government ordered the release of
those arrested during riots. Enquiry was practically shelved and truce
arranged between the government and the communal agitators. The Kashmir
Muslim Conference functioning in Lahore did not take kindly to the truce
and did everything possible to wreck it with the obvious objective of fuelling
the communal fires to engulf the entire State of Jammu and Kashmir. The
Muslims operating at Lahore in connivance with the Britishers virtually
succeeded in stoking the communal fires in the region of Jammu when the
Hindus of Mirpur were subjected to a spree of loot, murder and arson. Its
reverberations were sensed in Uri, Baramulla, Srinagar and Anantnag in
the region of Kashmir which were convulsed by communal disturbances.
Dr. Iqbal closely
associated with the Muslim Conference of Lahore actually worked against
the truce between the state government and the communal agitators.l0 His
plans were to convert the communal disturbances into an all-out crusade
against the Hindu Maharaja and the Kashmirian Hindus. He had even ambitions
of becoming the Prime Minister of the state of Jammu and Kashmir as got
revealed by the letter he wrote to Maharaja Hari Singh.l1 Calvin as the
Prime Minister of the state was pre-informed of the contents of the letter
by intelligence agencies operating in Lahore. Dr. Iqbal was categoric in
telling the ruler of the state that his appointment as the Prime Minister
of the state would end all strife tearing the state politics.
The 13th July,
1931 disturbances based on Muslim frenzy were generated and led by the
Muslim land-lords, shawl tycoons and other richer sections of the Muslim
community. The sole motive behind the disturbances was to wrest concessions
from the ruler in matters of 'better positions, social recognition and
more gains in economic undertakings'. The loot, murder and arson launched
against the Kashmirian Hindus reflected the perennial religious hatred
the Muslims have been harbouring against the Hindus of Kashmir. The Muslims
worked in complicity with the Britishers, who had smelt a rat in the political
activities of the Hindus vying with the nationalists and new wave of mass
enthusiasm gaining momentum for freedom from British fetters. The sudden
appearance of Qadir, who was employed with an European, testifies beyond
doubt that the disturbances were planned and manipulated hy the Britishers
in connivance with the Muslim agents working at their beck and call.
The 13th July,
1931 communal orgy was preceded by an outrageous act of kidnapping, wrongfully
confining and murdering a Kashmirian Hindu girl, Durgi by name. 12 It sent
shock waves in the miniscule minority of the Hindus reminding them of the
same type of persecution and torture that they were subjected to throughout
the Muslim rule. What was worst that the state police lathi-charged the
funeral procession of one thousand Hindus accompanying the dead body of
the victim to the cremation ground for last rites. Enraged by the heinous
crime committed against an innocent girl, the Hindus in unprecedented numbers
got collected in the Raghunath Temple of Srinagar only to adopt two resolutions,
one demanding an impartial enquiry into the circumstances leading to the
murder of the Kashmirian Hindu girl, the other expressing shock and anguish
over the police high-handedness of charging a funeral procession.l3 The
government never acted as all its operational capacities were paralysed
by the interference of the Britishers in the state affairs.
Dogra Rule
(1846-1947 A.D.)
With a view
to achieve their political ends the Britishers forced and pressurised the
Maharaja to constitute a Grievances Commission for a probe into the complaints
of the people of Kashmir. The Commission was chaired by B.J. Glancy, who
was directly linked with the British Intelligence Department. The Hindu
members on the Commission from Jammu resigned when the Muslim members from
Jammu and Kashmir demanded a change in the Hindu Personal Law facilitating
the fresh converts to Islam to own their hereditary properties even after
conversion. The Kashmirian Hindus directed their member, Pandit Prem Nath Bazaz, to withdraw from it, but he did not oblige them and continued to
be on the Commission representing none.
The Commission
motivated by the sole design of damaging the legitimate interests of the
Kashmirian Hindus got exposed by tendering biased recommendations to the
ruler. It did not take up for consideration the vital issue of settling
the age-long dispute over Kalishree Temple,14 which was forcibly occupied
and demolished for erection of the Mir Ali Hamadani Mosque. In its open
hostility to the Kashmirian Hindus, the Commission failed to recommend
the handing over of the Hari Parbat, Shankaracharya hillocks and the Buddhist
sites to the Hindus while it made the recommendation of handing over Pathar
Masjid, Bulbul Shah Khanaqah and Dara Shikuh Khanqah to the Muslims. The
Hindus were not handed over their properties on the plea that some graves
had been dug around the two hillocks. Nor were the Muslims asked to use
the bathing ghat of the Kalishree Temple a few yards away from the portion
used by the Kashmirian Hindus, who had to witness the detestable Muslim
practice of opening their trousers if they would have one on or just throwing
the Phiran (a long woollen cloak) up for cleansing their unclean bottoms.
The Hindu demand for the construction of a shed at the point of worship
on the river ghat only to shelter them from inclement weather was cruelly
rejected.
Unfair to the
Kashmirian Hindus, the Commission recommended the scaling down of academic
merit in favour of the Kashmirian Muslims thereby blocking the entry of
the Hindus with high academic merit into the state services. The Maharaja
had already embarked upon the policy-path of disregarding the claims of
the Kashmirian Hindus to the state services.l5 The Kashmirian Hindus through
their representative, Dr. R.K. Bhanl6 M.A. F.R.S had supplied the ruler
with the statistical data regarding the severe unemployment prevailing
among the highly educated Hindu youth.
The Muslim
members on the Glancy Commission demanded that the state police be asked
to desist from intervening in matters of fresh converts of Islam. The brazen-faced
demand patently demonstrated the Muslim plans for launching upon conversion
campaigns despite the fact that the state had a Hindu ruler. There were
numerous Muslim agencies operating for fresh converts to Islam. They worked
under a well-formulated design and were financially supported by inside
and outside agencies. Keeping the police forces at bay the Muslim majority
would resort to time-tested weapons of harassment, intimidation, allurement
and final hounding out and liquidation of the Kashmirian Hindus.
The Muslim
members on the Commission in their note of dissent demanded that the Maharaja
be asked not to impose a ban on lhe Muslims of Kashmir and Frontier Districts
to have and receive arms. 17 The demand underpinned the motives of arming
the Muslims for purposes of launching an armed crusade against the fragile
minority of Hindus in Kashmir.
Pandit Prem
Nath Bazaz, who had no mandate from the Kashmirian Hindus, in his note
of dissent put that the mosque at Idgah with a wall around it be allowed
to come up only if rest of the Idgah grounds were left intact and open
to all communities for recreational and grazing purposes. 18
The British
Resident in pressurising Maharaja Hari Singh to appoint the Glancy Commission
was motivated by the sole design of mobilising the Muslims against the
Hindu ruler in furtherance of the imperial interests. Many agents working
only to further the British designs were enrolled from the Muslim ranks.
Sheikh Abdullah himself is alleged to be a British agent, who worked hand
in glove with the British masters.19 The recommendations of the Glancy
Commission institutionalised communalism dividing the Kashmirian society
at large into twain. Capitalizing on the deep rooted hatred of the Muslims
against the Hindus, the Britishers only to humble down the Maharaja managed
to appease the Muslims through the Glancy Commission. The fact remains
that the Commission never upheld the Muslim contention of non-representation
of the Muslims in the state services, but rendered an immeasurable damage
unto the Kashmirian polity by polarising it on communal grounds.
The lop-sided
and biased recommendations of the Glancy Commission were prominently marked
by an appeasement of the Muslim majority of Kashmir. The legitimate rights
and interests of the Kashmirian Hindus were ruthlessly sacrificed and trampled
upon. Pandit Prem Nath Bazaz was patently blamed and held responsible for
the undue concessions showered on the Muslims by the Maharaja in pursuance
of the recommendations made by the Glancy Commission. The Kashmirian Hindus
sharply reacted and ground was set for fullfledged agitation. Out to clamour
for their rightful interests, the Hindus in massive numbers held demonstrations
denouncing Glancy and the Government of Maharaja Hari Singh.20 The agitation
known as the Roti (bread) Agitation in the history of the Kashmirian Hindus
led to the emergence of an astute leadership working under the wise and
prudent advice and guidance of Pandit Kashyap Bandhu, who in his autobiography
yet to be published has made startling revelations about the Sheikh. With
Sheetalnath as the centre stage of the agitational activities, the Hindus
highlighted their economic hardships having ensued from the governmental
policy of blocking their entry into the state services. Instead of conceding
their legitimate demands, the governmcnt let loose a reign of repression
against the Hindus. They were lathi-charged, baton charged, arrested and
imprisoned and hurt with all sorts of repressive and coercive measures.
To cap it all, the Muslims in large numbers assaulted the Kashmirian Hindus
only to throttle their voice against the repression inflicted on them.
They did everything to disrupt and wreck their movement as a definite nexus
had already developed between the Britishers and the Muslims for pushing
the Kashmirian Hindus to the wall. Despite the concerted attempts to disrupt
the movement by vested interests, it continued with full zest and vigour
for more than six months. It was a highly organised and disciplined movement
focussing on economic problems. It will be no exaggeration if it be put
that the Bread Movement set the tone and tenor for all future movements
in the history of Kashmir as it was secular in cuntent highlighting economic
demands and was never directed against the Muslims whose major grievance
of non-representation in government services was not upheld even by the
Glancy Commission.
Toeing the
old strategy of grabbing the Hindu places of worship, the Muslims whipped
up mass frenzy and let loose their brute force to unlawfull occupy two
places of Hindu worship, one at Sahyar and the other at Narparistan in Srinagar. The Narparistan place of worship known as Narishwari Temple was
demolished and a grave installed at its sanctum sanctorum. It was done
in total violation of civilised canons guiding relations between various
communities in a pluralistic society. The Hindus raised a powerful voice
against the unjust acts resulting in communal tension. They highlighted
the problem with the powers that be, but as usual no positive action for
restoration of the two temples to their rightful owners was ever taken.
The Muslim onslaught on the Hindus and their places of worship continued
even in Dogra times.
In the backdrop
of communal tensions leading to loot, murder and arson of the Kashmirian
Hindus, the Muslims rallied under the banner of the Muslim Conference espousing
sectarian and communal politics. Training their guns against the Hindus,
the Muslim politicians in complicity with groups of the same hue operating
in Jammu and Lahore under the umbrella of British patronage highlighted
non-secular agenda based on narrow-mindedness, religious bigotry and myopia.
The Kashmirian Hindus could not think of joining hands with such forces.
But, they did not fail the new radical elements, who showed appearance
within the ambience of the Muslim Conference for secularising and broadbasing
thcir movement directed to the achievement of political and economic emancipation
of all components of the Kashmirian populace. The Kashmirian Hindus applied
their shoulder to the wheel of Muslim politics investing it with vigour,
enthusiasm and more than most new political direction. In appreciable numbers,
they participated in all the functions designed to celebrate the Responsible
Government Day. They joined the ranks of the labour movement when its gates
were thrown open to them. The Kashmirian Hindu intellectuals did not thwart,
but aided the flowering of new forces within the Muslim politics.
Credit goes
to Sardar Budh Singh, who unfurled banner of revolt against the then moribund
system perpetuating forced labour (begaar), unscientific land revenue and
land relations and set a new agenda for wholesa!e reforms. In fact, it
was he only who conveyed his radical views regarding the politico-economic
set-up prevalent in the state to Sheikh Abdullah who till then was wallowing
in the quagmire of communal politics shaped by the shawl-barons, Jagirdars
and beard-flaunting Molvis.
The Hindu leaders
like Pandit Prem Nath Bazaz, Pandit Jia Lal Kilam, Pandit Sham Lal Saraf,
Pandit Kashyap Bandhu and Sardar Budh Singh were responsible for forging
a new nationalist agenda for all Kashmirians without distinction of caste,
creed and religion. In fact, Kashyap Bandhu having come from Lahore in
1930 was the first to suggest the formation of a united front for highlighting
common problems of all communities. As a result of inter-action between
the leaders of the two communities, a new united front was formed for purposes
of highlighting economic and political problems concerning the Kashmirians
as a whole. The National Demand issued in August, 1938 was signed among
others by Pandit Jia Lal Kilam, Pandit Sham Lal Saraf and Sardar Budh Singh.
It is enough to demonstrate that the Kashmirian Hindus joined the ranks
of Muslims only when the Muslims thought it expedient to part ways with
sectarian politics for forging a new unity among all sections of the Kashmirians.
Having taken
birth from the debris of Muslim Conference, the National Conference enthused
all segments of the Kashmirian population. Its secular credentials set
a new pace for the politics of Kashmir. The Kashmirian Hindus declared
their parent organisation of All Kashmiri Pandit Yuvak Sabha as a socio-cultural
body devoting itself to the objectives of reforming their society and preserving
their cultural heritage. National Conference, they declared, was their
political forum for achieving all objectives as were graphicnlly outlined
in the Testament of New Kashmir.
It was the
cream of the Kashmirian Hindu society that was directly responsible for
formulating the 'New Kashmir' manifesto only to invest the struggle with
a definite direction. A brilliant group of young communists under the leadership
of Dr. N. N. Raina 22 was operating within the National Conference spear-heading
a new agenda. Those youngmen mostly hailing from middle-class Hindus families
were motivated and enthused by the Marxist ideology pointing to new destinations
of establishing an exploitation-free social order in sharp contrast to
capitalist mode of social and political structure. They were mostly responsible
for introducing the nationalist movement to the concept of socialist pattern
of society based on equality, democracy and free from exploitation. The
Communists of Kashmir had direct links with the Communist Party of India,
which has played a glorious role in anti-Imperialist struggle waged by
the Indian masses. Dr. Raina was widely known and shown high esteem as
a high-calibre Communist intellectual of Kashmir. Among others, two prominent
Communists from the Punjab, Mr. B.P.L. Bedi and Mrs. Freda Bedi, late Moti
Lal Misri, late D.P. Dhar and Dr. N.N. Raina were the persons, who were
associated with drafting the 'New Kashmir' manifesto for the Kashmirians
with the sole objective of concretising the goals they were supposed to
achieve through the struggle. The Communists organised study circles for
imparting political education to the rank and file of National Conference
only to save the movement from going lumponic. But Sheikh Abdullah got
the study circles stopped from functioning on the plea that the organisers
were propagating communism among the Muslim youth.23
Even after
re-christening the Muslim Conference as National Conference, the spectre
of communalism continued to haunt the leadership, which had a track record
of communal and sectarian politics. Sheikh Abdullah, the tallest of the
Muslim leaders, did not abandon the Hazratbal Shrine as the focal point
of his political activities, clinging firmly to the Muslim concept of combining
religion with politics, the Sheikh was always found lacing his political
orations with the religious history of Islam. In his moments of utter despair
ensuing from his political failures and inconsistencies, he often bradished
the stick of Islam to quieten and quench opposition and dissent. Suspecting
a dip in his popularity graph, he would more often than not jaunt about
the streets of Srinagar either exhorting the Muslims to observe fasts during
the month of Ramadan or collecting funds for erecting a mosque. His characterisation
of the Hindu minority of Kashmir as ammanat (trust) was co-terminus with
the status of Zimmies as defined in the Islamic texts. Not that the Hindus
were equal participants in a democratic order, but were subservient to
the Muslim canons which were more obeyed in their non-observance than observance.
Sheikh Abdullah's
commitment to secular outlook in spirit and deed became all the more suspect
when he used the secular platform of National Conference for celebrating Id-i-Milad on 24th April, 1940. In his characteristic oration, he launched
a vituperative tirade against the Hindu society, contemptuously derided
the religion of the Hindus and to cap it all made an unwise remark that
Islam was the sun and other religions were stars underpinning that when
the sun appears, other stars get eclipsed.
The Sheikh's
utterances regarding the comparative greatness of Islam 24 were not favourably
relished by the Hindu leaders of National Conference. In protest, they
climbed down the dias. On 28th of April, 1940, the Hindu members of National
Conference raised the issue with the Sheikh, who having lost his cool thundered
that he was a Muslim first and a Muslim last.25 It generated tremendous
bitterness leading to the resignation of Pandit Prem Nath Bazaz, Pandit
Jia Lal Kilam and Pandit Kashyap Bandhu from the Working Committee of National
Conference. It was only through the good offices of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru
that the yawning gulf was stemmed from widening thereby saving the organisation
from tearing apart.
The fact of
history is that Sheikh Abdullah led a powerful mass movement for founding
a new political and economic order in Kashmir and other parts of Jammu
region inhabited by various ethnic groups. He rejected the two nation theory
of the Muslim League, yet he upheld and subscribed to the idea that the
Muslims were a 'qaum'. The posture of the Shiekh unto the Treaty of Amritsar
purporting the sale of Kashmir and other adjoining areas to Maharaja Gulab
Singh for a sum of 75 lac rupees (Nanakshahi) smacked of pan-Islamism emphasising
that the Kashmirian Muslims alone were purchased and sold for a few paise
each, ignoring that the Kashmirian Hindus, Sikhs and the Ladakhi Buddhists
were equally purchased and sold for a few coins. Pan-Islamism with its
fountain-head in Dr. Iqbal 26 had its reverberations in the utterances
of Sheikh dilating on the total annulment of the Treaty of Amritsar as
an imperative condition for freeing the Muslims of Kashmir essentially
from the thraldom of the Maharaja, obviously a Hindu ruler. How the Sheikh
would have posed himself unto the said-Treaty if the state had a Muslim
ruler, a Nawab, is a moot issue for political guess-work and speculation?
The ruler of
the state of Jammu and Kashmir as per the India Independence Act of 1947
and the India Act of 1935 was vested with the sole right to accede to either
of the two dominions of India and Pakistan having come into being as an
outcome of the partition plan promulgated on 3rd June, 1947. Maharaja Hari
Singh and his Prime Minister, Pandit Ramchandra Kak, took their own time
and prevaricated in the exercise of the options. As can be gleaned from
available tomes dilating on the period, it is authentic to put that the
Maharaja was interested in maintaining the independence of his state and
only as a prelude to it had entered into a stand-still agreement with the
two nascent dominions. If the Maharaja was for independence of his state,
why did the Sheikh as the top leader of National Conference oppose his
intentional move? The only logical position would have been to lend him
all out support and succour in putting his intentions into practice. The
tenability of the argument gets established by the fact of Sheikh toying
with the idea of independence soon after many miles on the highway to accession
were traversed. Ram Chandra Kak as the Prime Minister of the ruler was
taken for an agent provocateur of Pakistan 27. If the Kashmirians for their
own reasons were keen to get annexed to Pakistan, why did they lag behind
in strengthening the hands of Mr. Kak, who as per them devotedly worked
for the fulfilment of Pak-strategies in Kashmir? Instead, he was handcuffed,
spat at and shown all disrespect and contumely by the Sheikh and the Muslims
of Kashmir. The golden opportunity of vying with the ruler only to goad
him to exercise his illegal options for declaring his state as independent
of the two nascent dominions or annexing it to Pakistan as provided by
the Act were practically wasted by the Sheikh and the Muslim masses of
Kashmir.
The Muslim
leaders of National Conference were actually caught in the cleft of a stick
whcn they were squarely confronted with the vexatious and thorny question
of accession. Thwarting the Maharaja from exercising his legal options,
Sheikh Abdullah yelled, "If four million people living in Jammu and Kashmir
state were bypassed and the Maharaja declared accession to India or Pakistan,
I will raise the banner of revolt and launch a do or die struggle."28 If
politics can be termed as a battle for capturing political power, the Sheikh
desired the Maharaja to transfer the reins of government to him along with
the onerous responsibility of deciding the question of accession.
The Working
Committee of National Conference comprising predominantly the Muslims was
sharply divided on the issue of accession. Fearing physical annihilation
in Pakistan owing to his track record of anti-Jinnah and anti-Muslim Conference
postures, the Sheikh motivated with the design of mending fences with the
Muslim League leadership in Pakistan and also clearing the thick-set cobwebs
of misunderstanding looming sky-high there in Pakistan political circles,
despatched his two lieutenants, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad and Ghulam Mohammad
Sadiq to Pakistan with the patent mission of conveying to M.A. Jinnah that
the options for accession were all open. But to their utter dismay, the
two emissaries of the Sheikh were totally cold-shouldered by the top-notch
politicians of Pakistan. However, the message of Sheikh was conveyed when
Bakshi and Sadiq held inconclusive discussions with Feroz Khan Noor, Mian
Mamtaz Daulatna and Sardar Abdur Rab Nishtar,29 a second tier leadership
of the Muslim League in Pakistan.
What the two
comrades-in-arms of the Sheikh gathered in Pakistan was that the Muslim
League leadership did not lend any credence to National Conference as the
authentic voice of Kashmir and if at all it recognised any organisation,
it was only Muslim Conference of Kashmir, which factually at that point
of Kashmir politics was relegated to backwaters, though not totally extinct.
As the new political developments were unfolding in quick succession, the
two emissaries of the Sheikh having reached Srinagar post-haste, entering
into serious confabulations with Muslim members of the National Conference
Working Committee without taking the Hindu members into confidence mooted
the idea of reviving the Muslim Conference with a view to arrive at a thorough
understanding with the Pak-leadership on the moot issue of accession. The
entire prospect of new developments ensuring from the stand-point of reviving
the Muslim Conference got snuffed out when the hordes of tribesmen launched
an unprecedented invasion on the soil of Jammu and Kashmir with the sole
objective of forcibly annexing the territory to Pakistan. The kaleidoscope
of political change moved so swift and fast that what was quite unpredictable
became predictable. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru took the blank cheque out of
the left pocket of Mr. Jinnah and to his consternation signed it confidently
for India. The die was cast and history was made with the State of Jammu
and Kashmir as an integral part of India.
The wholesale
aggression of the region of Kashmir and other adjoining territories proved
calamitous for the peace-loving Hindus of Kashmir and other regions. Mahatma
Gandhi saw a ray of hope in the skies of Kashmir, but there was much more
to it than could be met by his eyes. Complexities of situation were to
surface engulfing the Kashmirian Hindus in a vortex of loot, murder and
arson. More than 26,000 Hindus including 15,000 Kashmirian Hindus and 3500
Sikhs became the target of the tribal invaders. The areas they inhabited
were Poonch, Rajouri, Mirpur, Munawar, Bhimher, Kotli, Noushera, Muzaferabad,
Uri, Baramullah, Sopore, Handawara, Kupwara, Bandipora, Pattan, Tangamarg,
and Badgam. The tribals set fire to their thousands of houses, cow-sheds,
shops and other standing structures. Hundreds of women and girls were kidnapped
and their innocence violated. The property of the Hindus worth crores was
looted and pillaged. Countless women committed suicide by taking poison
or jumping into the Jehlum and Kishenganga rivers or deep wells.
During raids,
the tribal invaders took many Hindus as prisoners subjecting them to untold
torture. Capturing the police-posts and police-stations in all the territories
under their avalanche, the raiders killed 390 policemen, who were all Hindus.30
Numbers beyond record were mercilessly slaughtered and hundreds declared
missing and untraceable. Sikhs were the main targets of the brutalities
of the tribals as they have a track record of meeting and fighting Muslim
repression and persecution. Their women-folk killed themselves by plunging
into rivers in countless numbers. There were numberless cases of Sikhs
putting their womenfolk and young budding girls to bullets only to save
them from the ignominies of the Muslim tribals verging on barbarity.
The tribals
in complicity with the local fanatics granted reprieve to the Hindus who
got converted to the faith of Islam. The process of conversion was an essential
part of the whole storm of aggression ravaging the Hindus of Kashmir and
other regions. The Hindu places of worship were destroyed wholehog. Even
the mission edifice of St. Joseph's Convent was ravaged, ransacked and
then put to flames. In their utter religious frenzy and fury, the tribals
ruthlessly killed the Assistant Mother Superior, three nuns and a British
officer's spouse. The Mother and nuns had rendered invaluable services
to the Muslim residents of the Baramullah district by providing them both
medicare and education. In the Islamic fashion, the invaders were merciless
to all and sundry falling outside the pale of Islam. A young patriot, Maqbool
Sherwani, accused of aiding and shielding the infidels, was brutally butchered.
He was fastened to a post in the midst of Baramulla town, nails driven
into his body and finally bullets were pumped into him. His killing was
a sheer barbarity. Eleven members of a Hindu family in Bandipore, Baramulla
were ruthlessly slaughtered only to satiate their thirst for the blood
of infidels (kafirs).
After Baramulla
was cleared of the barbarous tribals, as many as 1178 Hindu women and girls
were recovered as had been kidnapped and kept in captivity, 32 thousands
were converted to Islam and married by the local Muslims. As per the report
of the New York Times, three thousand townsmen including four Europeans,
a retired British army officer and his pregnant wife were mercilessly massacred.33
The tribal
invasion launched upon Jammu and Kashmir State resulted in the displacement
of 26,000 people, who were only Hindus and Sikhs. Not exceeding 6000 of
them were re-settled in the areas of Uri and Baramulla. Many refugees returned
to their native towns and villages only to take to their normal daily chores.34
They were not assisted by any government agency in the processes of re-settlement.
Those refugees, who were provided with free rations in the city of Srinagar,
did not exceed 3,600, mostly orphans, destitutes, disabled and widows.
35
West Punjab
engulfed in worst-even communal carnage got denuded of Hindu population
leading to their influx in mighty waves into the region of Jammu. By 1949-50,
20,000 families of such refugees were registered out of which 1823 families
comprising 9115 persons were rehabilitated 36. The influx proved so mighty
that Jammu soil harbours not fewer than 1.25 lack refugees, still hanging
in balance. The refugees have yet to be politically rehabilitated by way
of conferment of voting rights as guarnnteed by the Constitution of India.
The Muslim political leaders out to maintain their political hegemony have
been opposing the conferment of political rights on such refugees as have
migrated from West Punjab. The rosy scenario drawn about the 1947 developments
in the Valley of Kashmir was tinged murky. The tribal invasion unleashed
in the name of Islam had all the ingredients of a crusade- loot, rape,
murder, arson and conversion.
Without being
dishonest to history, it is extremely pertinent to put that rest of the
valley not marauded by the tribals, remained calm and peaceful. Sheikh
Abdullah's role in this behalf was laudable as he raised a loud voice for
communal peace and harmony. Despite the forces of sabotage, no discernible
damage was inflicted on the seemingly monolith of varied communities welded
together for the achievement of political and economic emancipation under
a democratic dispensation. To mount vigilance, local militia was raised
by recruiting zealous patriots of all hues entrusted with the paramount
task of keeping the saboteurs at bay. A flash of spark had the potential
of blowing up the entire monolith to bits of splinters. So slender was
the thread.
Notes and
References
1. J.L. Nehru,
Discovery of India, P267. 2. Interview
with Pandit Shyam Lal Saraf, a veteran freedom fighter
of Kashmir, broadcast from All India Radio, Srinagar,
Kashmir 3. Hari
Singh Papers. 4. Administrative
Reports. 1928-29-30-31-32. 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid 6. Ibid. 7. P.N.
Bazaz, Inside Kashmir. 8. Martand
File. 9. Administrative
Reports, 1928-29-30-31-32 10. P.N.K. Bamzai, History of Kashmir. 11. Interview
with Dr. Kartar Singh. 12. Administrative
Reports, 1928-29-30-31. 13. Administrative
Reports, 1928-29-30-31. 14. The
Kashmirian Hindus had submitted a memorandum to Mahatma Gandhi regarding
the Kalishree Temple dispute in 1924. 15. The
representation made to Maharaja Hari Singh by the Kashmirian Hindus through
Dr. R.K. Bhan. 16. Dr. R.K. Bhan was the secretary of the Association for the Upliftment of the
Kashmirian Hindus. It was he who had supplied the ruler with the data of
matriculates, intermediates, graduates and post-graduates without jobs
and employment. At the behest of the ruler, the representative of the Kashmirian
Hindus collected the data of the Hindus employed in private sector and
the same was supplied and furnished to him. 17. Clancy
Commission Report. 18. Ibid. 19. Saxena,
Tragedy in Kashmir pp 4-9. 20. Administrative
Reports 1931-32-33. 21. It was
a Mother Goddess Temple located at Narayan-Sthan, now known as Naraparistan. 22. Dr.
N.N. Raina retired as Head of the Department of Physics from the University
of Kashmir. His book on imperialist conspiracy in Kashmir has won a lot
of applause. Others who owed allegiance to the Communist Party of Kashmir
were P.N. Jalali, M.L. Misri, Brij Lal Koul, H.N. Durani, O.N. Trisal,
P.N. Kachru and many others. All Hindu communists despite their glorious
role were left in wilderness and languished in poverty. 23. Aatish-e-Chinar
by Sheikh.Abdullah. 24. P.N. Bazaz, Freedom Struggle in Kashmir, P 180. 25. Ibid.
26. Dr.
Iqbal's poem lamenting the lot of the Kashmirian Muslims who had been sold
for few coins. 27. Sheikh
Abdullah, Aatish-e-Chinar. 28. Sheikh's
speech at Hazuri Bagh soon after he was released from jail by the Maharaja. 29. Sheikh
Abdullah, Aatish-e-Chinar. 30. Administrative
Report, 1948-49. 31. P.N.K. Bamzai, History of Kashmir. 32. Ibid. 33. Administrative
Report, 1948-49. 34. P.N.K. Bamzai, History of Kashmir. 35. Administrative
Report, 1949-50. 36. lbid,
1950-51.
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