CHAPTER THIRTEEN
Sayyed Mir QasimWith
the demise of G.M. Sadiq, it was Mir Qasim who took over the reins
government
in December 1971. In the very life-time of G.M. Sadiq he tried to dislodge
him from the seat of
power, but could not succeed in face of Mrs. Gandhi's
rebuff to him and all his supporters demanding a change of leadership in
the state. Mir Qasim could not abandon the Congress mantle, but continued
to be in the party. His relations with the Chief Minister were not very
cordial after his attempt at staging a coup against him.
Mir Qasim had
leftist leanings. He was connected with the Communist Party of Kashmir,
which had arranged for his studies at the Aligarh Muslim University and
even financed him till he completed his studies. 1 He started his career
as the Personal Assistant of Mirza Afzal Beg, who beat all records of sectarian
and communal politics. Having come into contact with him. Qasim's leftist
orientation melted away. He joined the band-wagon of all National Conference
leaders, who were all through rooted in the visceral hatred of the Kashmirian
Hindus. He was the same Congressite like many others, oriented the Muslim
way, working for sectarian ends, with the Muslim interests close to his
heart.
The Kashmirian
Hindus having been bereft of large chunks of land without compensation
were subjected to another swoop when Mir Qasim as the head of the Congress
regime snatched small holdings from them fixing nominal compensation which
too was misappropriated and eaten away by the Islamised revenue hierarchy.
To benefit the neo-rich peasant, the legislation was so sectarian and unjust
that in case the government acquired a portion of land in public interest,
the compensation was to be paid not to the owner of the land, but to the
tenant, who was a Muslim.
Mir Qasim continued
with the discriminatory policies of the previous governments of all hues.
He, in fact, added new chapters to the book of discrimination against the
Hindus by initiating moves and measures smacking of blatant communalism
The 70% reservation for the Kashmirian Muslims 2 was meticulously stuck
to, but 30% reservations for the Kashmirian Hindus were eroded only to
benefit the Muslim majority. The admission of the Hindu brights to multifarious
study proerammes and professional trainings were trimmed to incredible
limits. Despite incredible rise in the standard of life and living of the
Muslims in general, Mir Qasim conformed to the thesis of his Muslim predecessors
that they were all backward and bereft and hence needed all concessions.
subsidies and aids only to ameliorate their lot
Mir Qasim as
the head of the Congress regime was identified with corruption and nepotism.
The entire supply of eggs to the city of Srinagar was diverted to the site
where his mansion was under construction in a posh colony of the city of
Srinagar. All his near and remote relations are on key positions, not because
of their unassailable academic achievements, but because of the political
clout they wielded.
Mir Qasim followed
the foot-prints of his predecessors, who shamelessly exhorted the Muslim
Congressites not to sponsor the cases of the Kashmirian Hindus for a transfer
to a nearby village or locality, for a job slot in the government, for
long-term loans from a bank or a co-operative society or for any other
such relief.3 Disillusioned and dismayed, they abandoned all pretensions
to secular thinking and conduct assuming the same role-model that was played
by other rabid Muslim elements assiduously working for a communal divide
right at the grass-root level. This is how the top Congress leader sowed
the seeds of religious discord and religious hatred leading to the undermining
of the secular value structure.
Mir Qasim was
no different stuff from many others, who were deeply rooted in antipathy
and hatred towards the Kashmirian Hindus. He leapt to hear a Muslim and
moved earth and sky to solve his problem. What his attitude unto the Kashmirian
Hindus was stands illustrated by the instance of a teacher, a Hindu, an M.Com,
B.Ed. who was appointed on adhoc basis as a lecturer in teaching
of commerce by the Principal, College of Education, Srinagar. The post
was referred to the State Public Service Commission, which has the history
of changing gold into dross and dross into gold. As expected, a Muslim, M.Com, was recommended for the post and government orders were issued.
The Principal
of the college did not allow the lecturer to join the post on the plea
that he had no diploma in teaching, and in the college, methods and not
the subject of commerce were to be taught. Meanwhile a deputation comprising
Hindus and Muslims called on Mir Qasim, who was sitting in his bed-room
and pulling at a hukka in a rustic fashion. The entire gamut of the problem
was lucidly explained to him. Mir Qasim was curious to learn the name of
the person appointed to the post and the delegation cautious enough not
to reveal the name. The Chief Minister repeatedly asked about he name of
the person appointed to the post and the delegation members assiduously
concealing it. Revealing his mind, Mir Qasim, a Congressite and minister
in Sadiq's regime, openly said that if the person appointed was a Muslim,
he could not help them. The Hindu teacher was very well known to Mir Qasim
and had taught all children in the family including Qasim's spouse.4
Such were the
secular credentials of Mir Qasim, who vied with the Congress and rose to
be the Chief Minister of the state of Jammu and Kashmir. In word and deed,
he smacked of communalism and sectarian politics. There are instances galore
to establish how blatantly he worked to side-line the Kashmirian Hindus
only to leave them high and dry. They were the same Hindus who had rallied
under the banner of Democratic National Conference, which was treacherously
blasted leaving the top leader of the stature of Late Moti Lal Misri in
wilderness, frustrated and betrayed. Mr. Misri was the hero of 1947, a
stormy petrel, a brilliant thinker and writer. It will be pertinent to
put that he was the ghost writer for Mir Qasim in the exchange of letters,
which he had with Mrs. Indira Gandhi.
Mir Qasim played
quite a dirty role in the Kashmiri Pandit Agitation which was the spontaneous
reaction and resentment against the Islamised police force presided over
by the people donning Congress mantle. He took it as a simple case of elopement
resulting in marriage. A Muslim girl from Bhaderwah had also eloped with
a Hindu boy. How was she recovered and returned to the care of her parents
? How do Muslims of all hues assume a uniform pattern of behaviour when
it is the case of a Hindu girl even though kidnapped by a Muslim criminal
? Qasim's hands are soiled in the blood of the innocent lives which were
lost in communal frenzy generated by men in corridors of power. The Kashmirian
Hindus were protesting and agitating non-violently and they were arrested
under Defence of India Rules.5 They were given an inhuman treatment bordering
on barbarity. The Congress lumpens in collusion with the rabid Muslims
threw acid on the Kashmirian Hindu women, protesting against the police
barbarities. Where was Qasim ? In fact, he had already switched over his
loyalties to the communalists masquerading as Plebiscite Fronters, who
had started making inroads into the state set-up.
G.M. Sadiq
and Mir Qasim keen to perpetuate their personal rule in the state did not
spare even D.P. Dhar, who was their life-breath and invested their political
ventures with direction and strategy. He was the sentinel of the Indian
security guarding the Indian interests at every step. His sterling qualities
as a strategist became known when he put down the uprising following the
dismissal of the Sheikh in 1953. He saved Sadiq Government from getting
toppled when Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad had the go-ahead signal from the majority
of the legislature members. He was the fulcrum of the Democratic National
Conference highlighting secular and democratic agenda. At the behest of
Pandit Nehru, the Democratic National Conference was wound up to the detriment
of the new forces emerging and unfolding with a renewed political agenda
for the entire state.
Though the
agitatmg Hindus were deadset against D.P. Dhar, yet he was not for unleashing
a reign of terror against them. That fruitful dialogue directed to the
resolution of the thorny problem was what he stressed and highlighted.
Despite all hurdles he maintained links with the Kashmirian Pandit leadership.
He could not be kept at bay like Pandit Shiv Narayan Fotedar, an accredited
leader of the Kashmirian Hindus holding the chairmanship of the Legislative
Council.
D.P. Dhar's
constant dialogue with the Hindu agitationists was misconstrued as hbnobbing
with them only to keep up the tempo of the agitation. Losing his cool and
balance Mir Qasim is reported to have labelled D.P. Dhar as a communalist
forgetting that the nomenclature sat well only on him and men of his ilk.
D.P. Dhar's
role unto the Kashmirian Hindu community was not savoured well by most
of the Hindus, who levelled many an accusation at his doors and despite
it, he had to face the Muslim hatred and was more often than not subjected
to mortification and scornful insolence. He ushered in a golden era in
the field of education when he had the portfolio with him. It was immediately
snatched away from him when he dared call an explanation from Mrs. Sajjida
Zamir Shah, sister-in-law of Miss Mahmooda Ahmad Ali Shah, the virtual
ruler of the state in Sadiq's time, for not allowing a Kashmirian Hindu
girl to join her college despite formal government orders. The Home Department
was also-snatched away trom him at the behest of a near relation of G.M. Sadiq. Rooted in the hate-syndrome of the Kashmirian Hindus, the Muslim
Congressites finally led to his exit from the political scene of Kashmir
only to emerge as the dazzling star in the firmament of the Indian politics.
Tle farewell arranged in honour of D. P. Dhar in the Emporium Garden, Srinagar
was the hall-mark of the Muslim hatred unto the Kashmirian Hindus of all
hues. A barrage of disrespect, humiliation and contumely was let loose
on him. He was denounced as an IB. Agent as if he had been an agent of
a foreign power. D. P. Dhar was made the butt of scathing criticism even
by Sheikh Abdullah, who hated him the most for his integrative policies.
Mir Qasim played
a treacherous role by mis-informing Mrs. Indira Gandhi about the change
of heart that Sheikh and Beg had undergone. The crux of his intent was
only to abdicate in favour of the secessionists and separatists. By paving
way for the Muslim vacillators, Mir Qasim identified himself with the forces
of disintegration and disunity thereby destabilising the entire state fraught
with tremendous perils for the total polity of India. Sheikh Abdullah and
Mirza Afzal Beg never reconciled to the merger of the state with India.
No autonomy as guaranteed under Article 370 could satisfy them. Their inner
mativations were only to capture power willy nilly and convert it into
an instrument for dissemination of secession and disintegration by rousing
and fuelling communal passions against what they called the Hindu India.
Qasim failed
to measure the psyche of the two secessionists, who in their vengefulness,
were out to communalise the entire polity of Kashmir leading to deeper
repercussions on the Indian fabric. The process of 'normalisation' and 'democratisation' had already allowed freedom to secessionists and communalists
to sneak into the state administrative setup. The Jamat-i-Islami also earned
Qasim's patronage enabling it to gain political credibility by getting
five seats in the legislative assembly. What ensued with the in-coming
of Sheikh was total reversal of his earlier commitments to secularism,
democracy equal rights for all irrespective of religious and creedal differences.
Qasim termed the transfer of power as a new deal for the state.6 What exactly
came out of the deal was only fostering of regional chauvinism with perceptible
overtones of communalism. The Congress as an All India Party was uprooted
from the state 7 and Sheikh had been all along opposing Sadiq and Qasim
for introducing Congress into the political life of Kashmirians.
Notes and
References
1. Interview
with P. N. Jalali and Brij Lal Koul, two veteran communists of Kashmir
and freedom fighters. 2. Government
order defining the sharing of services and admissions issued by G. M. Sadiq,
Minister of Education, J & K Government. 3. Interview
with Rishi Dev, veteran Congress leader. 4. Interview
with Prof. R.L. Thussoo. 5. Wail
Of the Vale, issued by the Hindu Action Committee. 6. Qasim-lndira
Correspondence. 7. lbid. 8. Sheikh
Abdullah, Aatish-e-Chinar.
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