CHAPTER FIFTEEN
Farooq Abdullah:
The Main CulpritAfter
the demise of Sheikh Abdullah, it was his son, Farooq Abdullah, who
took
over as the helmsman of the State of Jammu and Kashmir. The struggle for
power within the National Conference was virtually stifled when Mrs. Indira
Gandhi through her personal intervention cleared the decks for Farooq to
take over the mantle of his father. Sheikh Abdullah had already declared
him as his heir by investing him with the presidentship of the National
Conference. Farooq would have faced tough opposition from forces within
the organisation had Mrs. Gandhi not set the stage for his mid-night coronation.
And thus began the saga of precipitous disaster for the state.
Farooq was
leagues away from politics. Lacking in depth and maturity, his story in
politics was abominable. Though he was the son of Sheikh Abdullah, yet
he was not taken very seriously by all hues of people. Before entering
the political scene of Kashmir, he had lived for a considerable period
in London, where he had formed, not tenuous, but firm links with some prominent
secessionist organisations operating on the soil of Britain. The chief
among such organisations was the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front. 1 Having
formed clandestine links with the leaders of such outfits, Farooq seemed
bent upon wreaking revenge on the Indian leaders who had wronged his father.
There are authentic reports available establishing Farooq's contacts, may
be clandestine, with Amanullah Khan, Hashim Qureshi and Maqbool Butt.2
It is well
known that Farooq Abdullah paid a visit to Pakistan and Pak-occupied Kashmir.3
It was not a freak. But he was said to be on a purposeful mission. During
the period of his sojourn in Pakistan, he was reported to have been tutored
and regimented to the entire modalities of the action-plan for liberating
Kashmir from the clutches of India. The plan though at a formative stage
was said to have been well received by Farooq. He was said to have expressed
his solidarity and commitment to the cause of liberating Kashmir as sponsored
and pioneered by outfits basking in the patronage of Pakistan Government.
Farooq's secret meeting with Sikander Hayat Khan and Mrs. Benazir Bhutto
earned lots of media attention.4
Farooq proved
as sly as a fox. Keeping his cards close to his chest, he systematically
aided the processes of Islamisation as were chalked out by the Islamised
bureaucracy having established close links wlth Jammat-i-Islami and other
communal elements with a vast net-work of Madrasas (Islamic schools) working
for regimentation and hate-India campaign. He continued to pay lip-service
to secularism and democracy. He parroted the notes of Kashmir's accession
to India and at national level maintained a secular and democratic stance.
He resorted to this cunning only to subvert the entire polity of Kashmir
allowing the canker of communalism and sectarianism to take firm roots.5
He wore the secular and democratic mask only to conceal his real identity.6
Not unlike his father, Farooq had deep-seated commitments to 'Independent
Kashmir', which is co-terminus with annexation of Kashmir to Pakistan.
The commitments he had to the Liberation Front and many other outfits sponsoring
terrorism were cunningly masked by his zestful contacts with the Congress
hierarchy designed to throw dust into their eyes. 'One may smile and smile
and yet be a villian', is a quotable adage.
Farooq Abdullah
caused a big jolt to the politics of Kashmir when he bridged the gulf between
the nationalists and pro-Pak forces led by Molvi Farooq, killed by the
Muslim terrorists. There was not even a single voice of dissent against
Farooq's move. The followers of Molvi Farooq were traditionally stigmatised
as the Bakras, the goats as they had opposed the secular and nationalist
agenda of the National Conference. That the National Conference revived
by Sheikh Abdullah after dissolving Plebiscite Front had already parted
ways with secular and democratic politics was proved to the hilt when no
dissenting voice was raised against the move. All this was done only to
establish and strengthen the Muslim fraternity. The Indian media reacted
by characterising the entire development as capitulation to communal forces
and dilution of secular and democratic politics in Kashmir. The 'Double-Farooq'
bridgeup formally destroyed the bonafides of National Conference as a party
subscribing to the commitment of Kashmir's accession to India and more
than most to secularism and pluralism. The Muslims having been proud of
aligning themselves with Shers (lions - followers of Sheikh Abdullah) were
led to part ways with the secular and pluralistic agenda only to get sunk
into the quagmire of communal politics based on Muslim brotherhood and
seccessionism. If Sheikh Abdullah could be said to have diluted the identity
of the Shers, Farooq Abdullah formalised the dilution and destruction by
an open nexus with the notorious anti-Indian and sectarian forces.
The 'Double Farooq' bridge-up was not a sudden development but the logical end-product
of a process already begun by forces across the border in complete collaboration
with Farooq and his cohorts. The blue-print for a pogrom of subversion
and secession was already drawn in full details and it was being systematically
and clandestinely worked out. Farooq provided cover to the entire gamut
of terrorism in Kashmir and worked as a collaborator committed to shield
the terrorists from the state power pouncing on them and stifling them.
Camps had already been set up designed to impart training to the terrorists.
The Pakistan Government with its key intelligence agencies was involved
in sponsoring camps and imparting training to the Kashmirian youth. Taking
advantage of the porous border, deliberately left without vigil, perhaps
to feed the narcotic trade, the Kashmirian Muslims had started the process
of going to the camps for getting training in automatic weaponry and other
hi-fi armaments.
The processes
of infiltration started gaining momentum. The top terrorists leading various
outfits had already been infiltrating and ex-filtrating for purposes of
establishing their net-work on the soil of Kashmir and more than most for
political direction and guidance. What was the role of Farooq Abdullah?
He being aware of the processes of infiltration slept over it as if nothing
had been happening. The agencies operating for purposes of internal security
conveyed the danger signals, but were dismissed as bullshit. What was ominous
for the future of Kashmir was that the trained terrorists found their way
into the police forces and administrative setup and were provided a shield
by the Islamised bureaucracy, which essentially abetted the pogrom of secessionism
and subversion. Sheikh Abdullah had been lukewarm to such elements. But
his collaboration got testified when he released thirty anti-nationals,
who had been involved in matters of subversion and terrorism. Farooq Abdullah
was said to be an important cog in the entire game-plan charted out by
Pakistan.
The pro-Pakistan
subversives had perceptibly spread out their tentacles. A complete hartal
was observed on 26th January, 1984 pinpointing the trend that was in the
process of shaping. Arms had already been dumped. The local intelligence
working at grassroot level was ceasing to be the conduit for culling and
conveying of clues to the developing situation. The political organisations
did not exhibit the will to fight out the emerging challenges. Jamat-i-Islami,
People's League, People's Conference and Mahaz-i-Azadi were in the vanguard
of sponsoring subversion, sabotage and anti-Indian campaign. The communally
charged cassettes of Ali Shah Geelani of Jamaat-i-Islami and Maqbool Bhutt
of Liberation Front were put to sale only to mobilise the Muslims for the
impending battle.7
The ominous
developments with sufficient indications of an impending armed struggle
shaped out under the very nose of Farooq Abdullah. Not that the state administration
could not have met the challenges, but it acted as a model of non-governance,
conniving at and acquiescing in, allowing the saboteurs to dig their roots
deep into the polity of Kashmir. Terrorist outfits 'Zia Tigers' and Al
Jang unfurled their banner of revolt proclaiming a clear-cut agenda of
subversion and secessionism. A discernible spurt in the renovation and
construction of mosques provided clues to the importance they were going
to assume in the dissemination of religious propaganda designed to cause
an upswing to the entire agenda of subversion and mayhem. The Molvis and
Mullahs of a fanatical breed hailing from West Bengal, Bihar and Uttar
Pradesh were spewing out venom only to spread out the base of religious
hatred serving as a launching pad for waging Jehad (holy war) designed
to usher in the 'Prophet's governance' - Nizam-e-Mustafa.
A massive network
of the Muslim organisations operating under religious cover had considerably
succeeded in poisoning the Muslim mind. Such organisations operating at
grass-root level enjoyed considerable patronage from the Islamised bureaucracy,
which cornered maximum gains for itself out of the Indian booty, but played
treachery by patronising anti-Indian forces visualising a safe haven for
itself under the umbrella of Muslim fundamentalism. With Jamaat-i-Islami,
Ahl-i-Hadis, Students League, and Islamic Study circle et al had been operating
to aid and quicken the processes for the establishment of an Islamic state.
A plethora of schools like Iqbal Memorial and Jamaat-run Madrasas wreaked
havoc with young budding minds by sowing seeds of religious hatred and
discord in them at an impressionable age. The government run institutions
were no better and upheld the same agenda for religious war. Most of the
rabidly communal organisations were manned by college lecturers and school
teachers drawing salaries from public exchequer.8
That Farooq
Abdullah was in complete collaboration with the communally oriented terrorist
outfits turned out to be an open reality when he released 70 hard-core
terrorists detained for sabotage and terrorism. It was done under a fake
and un-convincing argument of providing them with a breathing space for
rebabilitation only to join mainstream. Objectively, the terrorists thus
let off never looked back and added new chapters to the book of subversion,
sabotage and secession. With a spurt in terrorism, the government in a
bid to lay its hands on them found them having melted away into various
hide-outs in areas dominated by the Muslims.9
The cricket
match between India and the West Indies held at Amar Singh Club, Srinagar
was converted into a scene for anti-Indian demonstration. The regimented
Muslim youth held aloft the Pak- flags chanting anti-Indian slogans. Only
to disrupt the match, the youth dug out the pitch reducing the field to
a state of chaos and mayhem. The Indian players were hooted and subjected
to a barrage of abuse and contumely and the West Indian players were given
a big hand to boost up their morale. It came as a surprise to the tourist
team.
It happened
despite massive police bundo-bast. How did the disruptionists sneak into
the stadium? How were they allowed to work against the national prestige
? The fact of the matter was that the disrupters had pre-planned preparations
for such demonstrations and all happened in presence of Farooq Abdullah,
the Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir State. The police forces being
a party to it had already been in the grip of anti-Indian sentiments, all
out to wreck Kashmir's accession to India. The cricket match turning into
an anti-India demonstrations and the police forces present the scene not
acting earned Farooq Abdullah political mileage at the local level, throwing
away, to boot many signals over to the real planners wherever they had
been. Despite police connivance, some arrests only as an eye-wash were
made and at Farooq Abdullah's behest the arrested persons were released
only to establish his collaboration with the forces out to destroy Kashmir.
Just after
assuming power in 1982 Farooq Abdullah contemptuously dismissed the ministers
in Sheikh Abdullah's cabinet. Most of the ministers were not a maleable
material as would be moulded the way Farooq intended to mould them. Deriding
them publicly, they lost face only gearing up for political vengeance.
The plea for dismissing the entire set of ministers as set forth by Farooq
was that they had an 'unflattering reputation'. But the pith of the intent
was that as planned to induct such people into his cabinet as were his
brand only, toeing his line of creating conditions leading to the snapping
of links with India and also fuelling communal fires sealing the fate of
the Hindu minorities in Kashmir. Be it said that he was stated to be programmed
for each step and his express intent was to widen the chasm between Kashmir
and India, not to bridge it up. At every step and in every move, he smacked
of bad intentions and evil motives. Did he really narrow the differences
between Delhi and Kashmir ? History has a capital 'No' for it.
Mrs. Indira
Gandhi, who had personally supervised Farooq Abdullah's mid-night coronation,
was stunned when the National Conference as the ruling party clandestinely
arranged for a bandh when she was scheduled to address a public meeting
at Iqbal Park, Srinagar. The day of her visit was observed as a black day
and in some areas there were violent black flag demonstrations. The National
Conference having parted its ways with secular and democratic agenda appeared
ready for a confrontation leaving its baneful impact on the mass mind.
The goons had sealed all entry points leading to Iqbal Park and the charismatic
personality of Mrs. Gandhi still drew a considerable crowd. Most of the
Kashmirian Hindus were beaten and humiliated. The old men had to run for
their lives leaving behind their shoes and turbans, to cap it all, the
National Conference workers, call them goons, deprived of political ideology
and direction, resorted to the exhibition of nudity only to rebuff and
humiliate the Prime Minister of India. It will be pertinent to put that
the National Conference in its essentials was only a party of goons and
toughs and it were the Hindu intellectuals owing allegiance to the Communist
Party and other radical groups, who invested the organisation with political
direction and ideology, thus taming the brute in the organisation.
A seminar on
'Identity of Kashmir' was held in the hall of S.P. College, Srinagar on
13th of August 1983. It was a government sponsored seminar. Farooq Abdullah
prior to the holding of the seminar had privately discussed the issue at
his residence with the so-called Muslim intellectuals having crept into
the university departments, effacingly devoted to the task of distorting
the history and culture of Kashmir and extolling the advent of Islam into
Kashmir and fixing it as the period of commencement of civilisational and
cultural processes in Kashmir ignoring the role-profile of Hindu Kashmir
in shaping the full course of civilisational and cultural processes. The
seminar was mischievously timed and the main objective of the seminar was
only to chart out the course of sscessionism, separatism and disintegration
by highlighting and stressing the Muslim identity of Kashmir. The National
Conference under the leadership of Farooq Abdullah had already worked havoc
with the democratic and pluralist agenda, which as a result of combination
of many forces within the organisation was upheld only for expediency.
The seminar exposed the inner motivations of the leadership, which had
given a go-by to all the commitments to non-sectarian approach and premis
to the issues of politics and culture.
The seminar
on 'Identity of Kashmir' was an official proclamation of hate-lndia campaign
and inaugural of a secessionist movement. The papers read out highlighted
the monotonous theme that the Muslims had a distinct identity which if
eroded or subjected to an onslaught (obviously from Hindu India) was destined
to end up in disastrous consequences. Farooq Abdullah absolutely lacking
indepth study of the civilisational and cultural history of Kashmir with
its close links with the entire civilisational and cultural processes in
the Indian sub-continent talked of Muslim identity in sectarian terms and
his real intent was to question the historicity of accession of Kashmir
to India stressing a full scale discussion on it. Shahab-ud-din with his
known credentials expressed his solidarity with a movement for the preservation
of the Muslim identity. The veteran leader, Maulana Masoodi, killed by
the Muslim terrorists, in his presidential address counselled caution and
restraint. He was endowed with sufficient scholarship as to realise that
the bogey of identity was raised to serve myopic ends ignoring the deep
ramifications ensuing from it.
Farooq Abdullah
was highlighting a different agenda involving the Muslims of Kashmir alone.
What about the different ethnic groups inhabiting the territory of Jammu
and Kashmir?
There are Hindu
minorities, who have an equal right to maintain their identity ? There
are Sikhs, though small in numbers, clamouring for the preservation of
their identity. There are the Buddhists in Ladakh and Kargil, who have
their definite contours of identity. How was it deemed that the Muslims
alone had their identity? Was the Muslim identity in danger? If at all
there were dangers, those needed be pinpointed. The real danger to the
Muslim identity was the Muslim bureaucracy, which settled for Urdu as the
official language of the state thereby undermining the Kashmiri language.
The deficient Persian script for the Kashmiri language as chosen by the
same bureaucracy failed to gain popularity as it is unscientific lacking
in symbols which could represent many typical Kashmiri sounds. The Sharda
script suited to the tone, temper and nuances of the local language, though
indigenous, was dismissed for myopic reasons. 'Language is the root of
all identity and to tamper with it is treason or poetry.' The Kashmirian
culture and language have an indelible mark of Hindu contributions, which
even the highly regimented and biased Muslims cannot weed out. See what
will happen to Kashmiri language if Lal Ded, shiva yogini, is dropped from
the language only to preserve the Muslim identity. Can Nund Rishi with
his Hindu thought content orienting and structuring the aeons old rishi
ethos of Kashmir be deleted from the annals of Kashmiri heritage and value
structure ? The Muslim identity is a myth and if at all it contains a meaning,
it is interwoven with the Hindu strands, which prominently stand out the
total texture and scenario. It is to be viewed and assessed in the backdrop
of totality of Kashmirian history of culture and civilisation. It cannot
be sectarian and communal identity as conceived by Farooq and his cohorts.
The Muslim
intelligentsia in its laboured attempts miserably failed to highlight the
main theme of the Muslim identity. Did the rulers in Kashmir at the behest
of the Central Government resort to the measure of demolishing mosques
or stopping the Muslims from saying prayers ? Instead there was a terrific
spurt in the construction of mosques and the Muslims usually blocked roadtraffic
by using roadspaces to say prayers. Did any quarter question the sectarian
act of giving timber worth 77,000 rupees free of cost to the Hazratbal
Shrine when it was in the process of Arab-style renovation dealing out
a death blow to the indigenous architectural style in vogue for aeons.
Was there a ban imposed on the peaceful propagation of Islam in Kashmir
? It is not understandable as to how Farooq Abdullah conceived the notion
that the Muslim identity was in danger.
It can be said
with great authenticity that the Muslims endangered the identities of other
ethnic groups. There are more than 108 places of Hindu worship which are
under the Muslim onslaught. The Muslims have failed to throw up liberals
who; notwithstanding court verdicts, could have settled the tangle of Bhairava
Nath Temple in Srinagar. The Auqaf Trust under the patronage of the rulers
that be has been grabbing government lands and the lands belonging to the
Hindus. The temples inside various localities have been brought out to
the public gaze by opening out new roads resulting in their desecration
and persistent demolition by the Muslim intolerants. The path for Parikrama
round the hari parbat hillock was dug out. The Buddhists were subjected
to the campaigns of proselytisation till they revolted. Yet Farooq Abdullah
clamoured that the Muslim identity was in danger. In fact, it was a finer
way of saying that Islam was in danger and it is and has ever been the
lethal slogan of the Muslim bigots bent upon raising religious frenzy for
ulterior motives.
An onslaught
on the history of Kashmir was launched under a well articulated plan. The
Hindu past of Kashmir was distorted only to present it as a panorama of
dismal and dark events with no contributions to make. The Muslim period
was extolled as a glorious period dispelling the dark period for all times
to come. The Muslim method of writing history, to be fair, is not dispassionate
and disinterested but is surely based on glorification of all acts for
proselytisation even though brutal and tyrannous. A perusal of the Persian
chronicles as recorded by the Muslims testifies to the same. Baharistan-i-Shahi
as a model of Muslim chronicling is unequivocal in presenting the role
of the Muslim rulers leading to the genocide of the Kashmirian Hindus as
highly laudable. The Central Asian Studies centre working under the aegis
of the University of Kashmir was assiduously in quest of Central Asian
influences on Kashmir ignoring that Kashmir was the first to humanise the
Central Asians. Forgetting that history in general shapes out as a result
of currents and cross-currents, and their inter-mingling, a pernicious
attempt was made to discredit the indigenous levels of culture and civilisation.
What made them myopic was that they tried to see the whole course of history
through a pigeon-hole lens. Be it said that the Muslims have a history
of six hundred years only in Kashmir and the Hindus have a history of 5000
years, which only an ignoramus can ignore and overlook and that, too at
his own peril.
What was tragic
was that men with no grounding in the history and culture of Kashmir endeavoured
to ventilate their mis-conceived notions on such suhjects. Dr. Stein, a
world famous archaeologist and man of erudition, was ridiculed as to have
rated and extolled Kalhan as a great historio-grapher. Such a view by an
ignoramus recipient of Padma Shree, was expressed in 'Vaad', a monthly
later a quarterly in Kashmiri Ianguage. Attempts were made to trace the
etymologies of some place-names in Kashmir giving a life-time shock to
the scholarly circles as they ignored linguistic principles and were absurd
and meaningless. Prof. M.L. Koul blasted the entire structure of etymologies
bordering on absurdity by writing four articles dilating on the origins
of the place names, which are essentially rooted in the Sanskritic word-hoard.10
The same trend of discrediting the scholars, who worked on the history
and culture of Kashmir, was pursued.
The Cultural
Academy in its Encyclopaedia has offered some stunning treatment to some
prominent places with a hoary past. Anantnag as the district headquarters
in south of Kashmir continues to be the name in revenue records. But Muslims
call it by the name of Islamabad and official Encyclopaedia has devoted
more space to Islamabad than that of Anantnag. Could it be dismissed as
a stray act ? Has Islamabad something more to offer than what was already
in Anantnag? This trend of Islamisation assiduously adhered to was carried
on under a systematic treatment. Absurd attempts to trace the origins of
Kashmiri language to Arabic and other Semitic languages were resorted to
only to create a mindset for an ultimate crusade to be launched upon in
the puppet theatre of Kashmir.
What Farooq
Abdullah in his first stint as the Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir
State did unto the polity of Kashmir was a total divide between the two
major communities, Islamisation pogrom taken to its full-length limits,
and patronisation of subversion, sabotage and secession. A nexus between
the state power and the forces of Islamisation was perceptibly visible.
Following the
foot-prints of his father, Farooq Abdullah worked consistently for the
disintegration of the country by collaborating and aligning with subversive
forces spearheading secessionist agenda.11 The bona fides of such subversive
and disruptive forces were patently clear as they had been working out
the formulations of a neighbouring country harbouring visceral hatred against
India. Prior to Ihe Operation Blue Star, he happened to meet Sant Jarnail
Singh Bhindranwala,12 who had identified himself with divisive forces aided
and abetted by Pakistan only to deflect the Sikhs from the path of patriotism
and humanism.
The motivating
intent of such a meeting was well within the ken of all. It was just to
chart out a course of alliance with disruptive and antinational forces
designed to provide them facilities for fanning out their operational base.
As a result of nexus between Farooq and the Punjab terrorists, six training
camps to train the new recruits were allowed to operate on the soil of
Jammu and Kashmir. What game Farooq Abdullah was playing ? Whose game was
he playing ? He was accused of openly playing into the hands of those to
whom he was committed. He was already drawn into the dragnet of the forces
inimical to the solidarity and integrity of the country. To all intents
and purposes, he was a collaborator of the plan-formulations designed to
break up the country.
The secessionist
agenda formed an essential part of the election campaign. The fact remains
that the National Conference leadership was wont to raise a bogey of encroachment
on the quantum of autonomy granted under Article 370.13 But 1984 elections
were entirely different and the election posters underlined a different
theme, exhorting the Kashmirians to continue their struggle for so-called
freedom as symbolised by the 'plough' and ward off the yoke of slavery.
That they were massacred by the cruel Indians and their innocent girls
were put to spears by the enemies surrounding them formed the thematic
substance of many a poster. It was all hate-India campaign preparing the
Kashmirian Muslims for an impending battle. That India was hell and he
did not want to see it was the usual fulmination he would resort to as
a part of his strategy to distance the Muslims away from the Indian mainstream.
Farooq's castigations
against his father were more significant than many other acts he resorted
to. Sheikh Abdullah, to him, appeared simple and honest and that was what
made him to suffer the Indian brutalities prepetraed on his person. He
wanted him to be sly and cunning and retaliate by the demolition of the
entire edifice that had emerged after 1947 developments. Losing his cool,
he would threaten to assume the role of Jinnah. His indications were more
than clear that he was going to devastate the entire secular fabric and
wreck the ties of Kashmir with that of India. Crafty and dubious, he proved
the wrecker of Kashmir by allowing the Pak-trained terrorists to fan out,
mobilise and consolidate their ground position. In Identity Seminar, Maulana
Masoodi had cautioned him that by re-opening the accession issue, he was
'playing with fire'. But, he knew no restraint and went on with his diatribes
against India, which he considered hell and did not want to see it.
Without looking
back, Farooq Abdullah went ahead with the re- introduction of the Re-settlement
Bill in the state legislature. lt had the same objective of heightening
the communal tensions by inviting the Muslims of Pak-occupied Kashmir to
come to the state only to occupy their landed and structural properties,
which in some cases were occupied by the Hindu and Sikh refugees. The Muslim-orientation
of Farooq Abdullah motivated him to re-settle the Muslims in their native
land, but never bothered about the Hindu and Sikh refugees who had lost
all such properties in Pakistan. Their fate is hanging fire and are denied
all political and constitutional rights as are conferred upon the citizens
of the country. The strategy devised by the Plebiscite Fronters masquerading
as nationalists and carried on by Farooq Abdullah was only to heighten
communal tension and conflict thereby opening up the secessionist agenda
with a renewed vigour.
The role lhat
Farooq Abdullah played in the politics of Kashmir can be safely characterised
as that of a traitor. Pakistan fought three wars to wrest Kashmir, but
was vanquished every time. But she achieved its objective of hijacking
the people of Kashmir only with the express support of Farooq Abdullah.
Secession was sponsored at the governmental level with the open support
of the Islamised bureaucracy committed to the communal and divisive agenda
of Jamaat-i-Islami. Intelligence network was coerced to collaborate. Some
top Muslim police officers with the bright record of fighting Pakistan
machinations were silenced. Their reports about the developing situation
were consigned to the dustbin. Attempts were made on their lives through
the terrorists initially operating in Ladakh under the guise of Sikhs.
The Valley
was in the process of getting infested with terrorism and the Chief Minister
was playing truant by keeping away from the Capital. His absolute neglect
of the state affairs was deliberate, though criminal. He reduced the state
machinery to a heap of ruins, with its muscles crippled and dead. The authority
of the state was waning, throwing ample indications of disappearance. The
terrorists were consolidating, gaining ground, organising their network
and flexing their muscles for the impending battle. Acts of sabotage were
ever on an increase.
Farooq Abdullah
through his political chicanery sealed the fate of Kashmirian minorities.
His speeches in Hindu dominated localities were venomous, communal and
charged with vengeance. The instability and insecurity of the minorities
touched all time high. With the state ship in a drift, the Islamised bureaucracy
straitjacketed them denying them the basic right to live. The Kashmirian
Hindus were targeted, looted, abused and neglected.
The Kashmirian
Hindus were drawn into a vortex of crisis, insecurity and instability.
Their entry into the service slots was practically blocked by all fraudulent
ways. The brights as usual were discriminated and there were writ petitions
galore challenging the validity of selections based on sectarian and communal
criteria.
Farooq celebrating
his victory with his goons in an open jeep stopped at Ganpatyar Temple,
Srinagar creating an atmosphere of fear and panic when the entire locality
was pelted at and a barrage of abuse let loose on the Kashmirian Hindus.
Notes and
References
1. Report of
the Jammu and Kashmir Cabinet Sub-Committee headed by D.D. Thakur, Deputy
Chief Minister. 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid. 4. Narendra Sehgal, Dharmantarit Kashmir (Hindi)
5. Ibid 6. Ibid 7. Ibid 8. Prof.
Asraf Saraf, now in POK and Prof. Abdul Gani were dismissed from the state
services for pursuing pro-Pak politics by Jagmohan, the Governor of Jammu
and Kashmir. 9. Jagmohan,
My Frozen Turbulence. 10. Prof. M.L. Koul, ''In Defence of Kalhan," published in Daily Excelsior, Jammu.
11. Report
of the Jammu and Kashmir Cabinet Sub-Committee headed by D.D. Thakur, Deputy
Chief Minister. 12. Narendra Sehgal, Dharmantarit Kashmir (Hindi); P.C. Sethi's correspondence with
Farooq aprops the training camps in J & K State. 13. Indian
Express, 14th January, 1983.
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