Table of Contents
   About the Author
   Kashmiri Hindus: Origin ...
   Sultan Zain-ul-abidin
   The Sayyids as Oppressors
   Chak Fanatics
   The Mughals
   The Afghans
   Sikh Rule
   Dogra Rule
   Post-1947 Scenario
   Jammu and Ladakh ...
   Bakhshi Ghulam Mohammad
   Ghulam Mohammad Sadiq
   Sayyed Mir Qasim
   Sheikh Abdullah Sows Seeds ...
   Farooq Abdullah ...
   Ghulam Mohammad Shah ...
   Rajiv-Farooq Accord
   Proxy War Declared
   Muslim Fundamentalism
   Terrible Plight of Minorities 
   13th November, 1991
   Download Book 

Koshur Music

An Introduction to Spoken Kashmiri

Panun Kashmir


Symbol of Unity



Farooq Abdullah: The Main Culprit

After the demise of Sheikh Abdullah, it was his son, Farooq Abdullah, who
Farooq Abdullah
took over as the helmsman of the State of Jammu and Kashmir. The struggle for power within the National Conference was virtually stifled when Mrs. Indira Gandhi through her personal intervention cleared the decks for Farooq to take over the mantle of his father. Sheikh Abdullah had already declared him as his heir by investing him with the presidentship of the National Conference. Farooq would have faced tough opposition from forces within the organisation had Mrs. Gandhi not set the stage for his mid-night coronation. And thus began the saga of precipitous disaster for the state.

Farooq was leagues away from politics. Lacking in depth and maturity, his story in politics was abominable. Though he was the son of Sheikh Abdullah, yet he was not taken very seriously by all hues of people. Before entering the political scene of Kashmir, he had lived for a considerable period in London, where he had formed, not tenuous, but firm links with some prominent secessionist organisations operating on the soil of Britain. The chief among such organisations was the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front. 1 Having formed clandestine links with the leaders of such outfits, Farooq seemed bent upon wreaking revenge on the Indian leaders who had wronged his father. There are authentic reports available establishing Farooq's contacts, may be clandestine, with Amanullah Khan, Hashim Qureshi and Maqbool Butt.2

It is well known that Farooq Abdullah paid a visit to Pakistan and Pak-occupied Kashmir.3 It was not a freak. But he was said to be on a purposeful mission. During the period of his sojourn in Pakistan, he was reported to have been tutored and regimented to the entire modalities of the action-plan for liberating Kashmir from the clutches of India. The plan though at a formative stage was said to have been well received by Farooq. He was said to have expressed his solidarity and commitment to the cause of liberating Kashmir as sponsored and pioneered by outfits basking in the patronage of Pakistan Government. Farooq's secret meeting with Sikander Hayat Khan and Mrs. Benazir Bhutto earned lots of media attention.4

Farooq proved as sly as a fox. Keeping his cards close to his chest, he systematically aided the processes of Islamisation as were chalked out by the Islamised bureaucracy having established close links wlth Jammat-i-Islami and other communal elements with a vast net-work of Madrasas (Islamic schools) working for regimentation and hate-India campaign. He continued to pay lip-service to secularism and democracy. He parroted the notes of Kashmir's accession to India and at national level maintained a secular and democratic stance. He resorted to this cunning only to subvert the entire polity of Kashmir allowing the canker of communalism and sectarianism to take firm roots.5 He wore the secular and democratic mask only to conceal his real identity.6 Not unlike his father, Farooq had deep-seated commitments to 'Independent Kashmir', which is co-terminus with annexation of Kashmir to Pakistan. The commitments he had to the Liberation Front and many other outfits sponsoring terrorism were cunningly masked by his zestful contacts with the Congress hierarchy designed to throw dust into their eyes. 'One may smile and smile and yet be a villian', is a quotable adage.

Farooq Abdullah caused a big jolt to the politics of Kashmir when he bridged the gulf between the nationalists and pro-Pak forces led by Molvi Farooq, killed by the Muslim terrorists. There was not even a single voice of dissent against Farooq's move. The followers of Molvi Farooq were traditionally stigmatised as the Bakras, the goats as they had opposed the secular and nationalist agenda of the National Conference. That the National Conference revived by Sheikh Abdullah after dissolving Plebiscite Front had already parted ways with secular and democratic politics was proved to the hilt when no dissenting voice was raised against the move. All this was done only to establish and strengthen the Muslim fraternity. The Indian media reacted by characterising the entire development as capitulation to communal forces and dilution of secular and democratic politics in Kashmir. The 'Double-Farooq' bridgeup formally destroyed the bonafides of National Conference as a party subscribing to the commitment of Kashmir's accession to India and more than most to secularism and pluralism. The Muslims having been proud of aligning themselves with Shers (lions - followers of Sheikh Abdullah) were led to part ways with the secular and pluralistic agenda only to get sunk into the quagmire of communal politics based on Muslim brotherhood and seccessionism. If Sheikh Abdullah could be said to have diluted the identity of the Shers, Farooq Abdullah formalised the dilution and destruction by an open nexus with the notorious anti-Indian and sectarian forces.

The 'Double Farooq' bridge-up was not a sudden development but the logical end-product of a process already begun by forces across the border in complete collaboration with Farooq and his cohorts. The blue-print for a pogrom of subversion and secession was already drawn in full details and it was being systematically and clandestinely worked out. Farooq provided cover to the entire gamut of terrorism in Kashmir and worked as a collaborator committed to shield the terrorists from the state power pouncing on them and stifling them. Camps had already been set up designed to impart training to the terrorists. The Pakistan Government with its key intelligence agencies was involved in sponsoring camps and imparting training to the Kashmirian youth. Taking advantage of the porous border, deliberately left without vigil, perhaps to feed the narcotic trade, the Kashmirian Muslims had started the process of going to the camps for getting training in automatic weaponry and other hi-fi armaments.

The processes of infiltration started gaining momentum. The top terrorists leading various outfits had already been infiltrating and ex-filtrating for purposes of establishing their net-work on the soil of Kashmir and more than most for political direction and guidance. What was the role of Farooq Abdullah? He being aware of the processes of infiltration slept over it as if nothing had been happening. The agencies operating for purposes of internal security conveyed the danger signals, but were dismissed as bullshit. What was ominous for the future of Kashmir was that the trained terrorists found their way into the police forces and administrative setup and were provided a shield by the Islamised bureaucracy, which essentially abetted the pogrom of secessionism and subversion. Sheikh Abdullah had been lukewarm to such elements. But his collaboration got testified when he released thirty anti-nationals, who had been involved in matters of subversion and terrorism. Farooq Abdullah was said to be an important cog in the entire game-plan charted out by Pakistan.

The pro-Pakistan subversives had perceptibly spread out their tentacles. A complete hartal was observed on 26th January, 1984 pinpointing the trend that was in the process of shaping. Arms had already been dumped. The local intelligence working at grassroot level was ceasing to be the conduit for culling and conveying of clues to the developing situation. The political organisations did not exhibit the will to fight out the emerging challenges. Jamat-i-Islami, People's League, People's Conference and Mahaz-i-Azadi were in the vanguard of sponsoring subversion, sabotage and anti-Indian campaign. The communally charged cassettes of Ali Shah Geelani of Jamaat-i-Islami and Maqbool Bhutt of Liberation Front were put to sale only to mobilise the Muslims for the impending battle.7

The ominous developments with sufficient indications of an impending armed struggle shaped out under the very nose of Farooq Abdullah. Not that the state administration could not have met the challenges, but it acted as a model of non-governance, conniving at and acquiescing in, allowing the saboteurs to dig their roots deep into the polity of Kashmir. Terrorist outfits 'Zia Tigers' and Al Jang unfurled their banner of revolt proclaiming a clear-cut agenda of subversion and secessionism. A discernible spurt in the renovation and construction of mosques provided clues to the importance they were going to assume in the dissemination of religious propaganda designed to cause an upswing to the entire agenda of subversion and mayhem. The Molvis and Mullahs of a fanatical breed hailing from West Bengal, Bihar and Uttar Pradesh were spewing out venom only to spread out the base of religious hatred serving as a launching pad for waging Jehad (holy war) designed to usher in the 'Prophet's governance' - Nizam-e-Mustafa.

A massive network of the Muslim organisations operating under religious cover had considerably succeeded in poisoning the Muslim mind. Such organisations operating at grass-root level enjoyed considerable patronage from the Islamised bureaucracy, which cornered maximum gains for itself out of the Indian booty, but played treachery by patronising anti-Indian forces visualising a safe haven for itself under the umbrella of Muslim fundamentalism. With Jamaat-i-Islami, Ahl-i-Hadis, Students League, and Islamic Study circle et al had been operating to aid and quicken the processes for the establishment of an Islamic state. A plethora of schools like Iqbal Memorial and Jamaat-run Madrasas wreaked havoc with young budding minds by sowing seeds of religious hatred and discord in them at an impressionable age. The government run institutions were no better and upheld the same agenda for religious war. Most of the rabidly communal organisations were manned by college lecturers and school teachers drawing salaries from public exchequer.8

That Farooq Abdullah was in complete collaboration with the communally oriented terrorist outfits turned out to be an open reality when he released 70 hard-core terrorists detained for sabotage and terrorism. It was done under a fake and un-convincing argument of providing them with a breathing space for rebabilitation only to join mainstream. Objectively, the terrorists thus let off never looked back and added new chapters to the book of subversion, sabotage and secession. With a spurt in terrorism, the government in a bid to lay its hands on them found them having melted away into various hide-outs in areas dominated by the Muslims.9

The cricket match between India and the West Indies held at Amar Singh Club, Srinagar was converted into a scene for anti-Indian demonstration. The regimented Muslim youth held aloft the Pak- flags chanting anti-Indian slogans. Only to disrupt the match, the youth dug out the pitch reducing the field to a state of chaos and mayhem. The Indian players were hooted and subjected to a barrage of abuse and contumely and the West Indian players were given a big hand to boost up their morale. It came as a surprise to the tourist team.

It happened despite massive police bundo-bast. How did the disruptionists sneak into the stadium? How were they allowed to work against the national prestige ? The fact of the matter was that the disrupters had pre-planned preparations for such demonstrations and all happened in presence of Farooq Abdullah, the Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir State. The police forces being a party to it had already been in the grip of anti-Indian sentiments, all out to wreck Kashmir's accession to India. The cricket match turning into an anti-India demonstrations and the police forces present the scene not acting earned Farooq Abdullah political mileage at the local level, throwing away, to boot many signals over to the real planners wherever they had been. Despite police connivance, some arrests only as an eye-wash were made and at Farooq Abdullah's behest the arrested persons were released only to establish his collaboration with the forces out to destroy Kashmir.

Just after assuming power in 1982 Farooq Abdullah contemptuously dismissed the ministers in Sheikh Abdullah's cabinet. Most of the ministers were not a maleable material as would be moulded the way Farooq intended to mould them. Deriding them publicly, they lost face only gearing up for political vengeance. The plea for dismissing the entire set of ministers as set forth by Farooq was that they had an 'unflattering reputation'. But the pith of the intent was that as planned to induct such people into his cabinet as were his brand only, toeing his line of creating conditions leading to the snapping of links with India and also fuelling communal fires sealing the fate of the Hindu minorities in Kashmir. Be it said that he was stated to be programmed for each step and his express intent was to widen the chasm between Kashmir and India, not to bridge it up. At every step and in every move, he smacked of bad intentions and evil motives. Did he really narrow the differences between Delhi and Kashmir ? History has a capital 'No' for it.

Mrs. Indira Gandhi, who had personally supervised Farooq Abdullah's mid-night coronation, was stunned when the National Conference as the ruling party clandestinely arranged for a bandh when she was scheduled to address a public meeting at Iqbal Park, Srinagar. The day of her visit was observed as a black day and in some areas there were violent black flag demonstrations. The National Conference having parted its ways with secular and democratic agenda appeared ready for a confrontation leaving its baneful impact on the mass mind. The goons had sealed all entry points leading to Iqbal Park and the charismatic personality of Mrs. Gandhi still drew a considerable crowd. Most of the Kashmirian Hindus were beaten and humiliated. The old men had to run for their lives leaving behind their shoes and turbans, to cap it all, the National Conference workers, call them goons, deprived of political ideology and direction, resorted to the exhibition of nudity only to rebuff and humiliate the Prime Minister of India. It will be pertinent to put that the National Conference in its essentials was only a party of goons and toughs and it were the Hindu intellectuals owing allegiance to the Communist Party and other radical groups, who invested the organisation with political direction and ideology, thus taming the brute in the organisation.

A seminar on 'Identity of Kashmir' was held in the hall of S.P. College, Srinagar on 13th of August 1983. It was a government sponsored seminar. Farooq Abdullah prior to the holding of the seminar had privately discussed the issue at his residence with the so-called Muslim intellectuals having crept into the university departments, effacingly devoted to the task of distorting the history and culture of Kashmir and extolling the advent of Islam into Kashmir and fixing it as the period of commencement of civilisational and cultural processes in Kashmir ignoring the role-profile of Hindu Kashmir in shaping the full course of civilisational and cultural processes. The seminar was mischievously timed and the main objective of the seminar was only to chart out the course of sscessionism, separatism and disintegration by highlighting and stressing the Muslim identity of Kashmir. The National Conference under the leadership of Farooq Abdullah had already worked havoc with the democratic and pluralist agenda, which as a result of combination of many forces within the organisation was upheld only for expediency. The seminar exposed the inner motivations of the leadership, which had given a go-by to all the commitments to non-sectarian approach and premis to the issues of politics and culture.

The seminar on 'Identity of Kashmir' was an official proclamation of hate-lndia campaign and inaugural of a secessionist movement. The papers read out highlighted the monotonous theme that the Muslims had a distinct identity which if eroded or subjected to an onslaught (obviously from Hindu India) was destined to end up in disastrous consequences. Farooq Abdullah absolutely lacking indepth study of the civilisational and cultural history of Kashmir with its close links with the entire civilisational and cultural processes in the Indian sub-continent talked of Muslim identity in sectarian terms and his real intent was to question the historicity of accession of Kashmir to India stressing a full scale discussion on it. Shahab-ud-din with his known credentials expressed his solidarity with a movement for the preservation of the Muslim identity. The veteran leader, Maulana Masoodi, killed by the Muslim terrorists, in his presidential address counselled caution and restraint. He was endowed with sufficient scholarship as to realise that the bogey of identity was raised to serve myopic ends ignoring the deep ramifications ensuing from it.

Farooq Abdullah was highlighting a different agenda involving the Muslims of Kashmir alone. What about the different ethnic groups inhabiting the territory of Jammu and Kashmir?

There are Hindu minorities, who have an equal right to maintain their identity ? There are Sikhs, though small in numbers, clamouring for the preservation of their identity. There are the Buddhists in Ladakh and Kargil, who have their definite contours of identity. How was it deemed that the Muslims alone had their identity? Was the Muslim identity in danger? If at all there were dangers, those needed be pinpointed. The real danger to the Muslim identity was the Muslim bureaucracy, which settled for Urdu as the official language of the state thereby undermining the Kashmiri language. The deficient Persian script for the Kashmiri language as chosen by the same bureaucracy failed to gain popularity as it is unscientific lacking in symbols which could represent many typical Kashmiri sounds. The Sharda script suited to the tone, temper and nuances of the local language, though indigenous, was dismissed for myopic reasons. 'Language is the root of all identity and to tamper with it is treason or poetry.' The Kashmirian culture and language have an indelible mark of Hindu contributions, which even the highly regimented and biased Muslims cannot weed out. See what will happen to Kashmiri language if Lal Ded, shiva yogini, is dropped from the language only to preserve the Muslim identity. Can Nund Rishi with his Hindu thought content orienting and structuring the aeons old rishi ethos of Kashmir be deleted from the annals of Kashmiri heritage and value structure ? The Muslim identity is a myth and if at all it contains a meaning, it is interwoven with the Hindu strands, which prominently stand out the total texture and scenario. It is to be viewed and assessed in the backdrop of totality of Kashmirian history of culture and civilisation. It cannot be sectarian and communal identity as conceived by Farooq and his cohorts.

The Muslim intelligentsia in its laboured attempts miserably failed to highlight the main theme of the Muslim identity. Did the rulers in Kashmir at the behest of the Central Government resort to the measure of demolishing mosques or stopping the Muslims from saying prayers ? Instead there was a terrific spurt in the construction of mosques and the Muslims usually blocked roadtraffic by using roadspaces to say prayers. Did any quarter question the sectarian act of giving timber worth 77,000 rupees free of cost to the Hazratbal Shrine when it was in the process of Arab-style renovation dealing out a death blow to the indigenous architectural style in vogue for aeons. Was there a ban imposed on the peaceful propagation of Islam in Kashmir ? It is not understandable as to how Farooq Abdullah conceived the notion that the Muslim identity was in danger.

It can be said with great authenticity that the Muslims endangered the identities of other ethnic groups. There are more than 108 places of Hindu worship which are under the Muslim onslaught. The Muslims have failed to throw up liberals who; notwithstanding court verdicts, could have settled the tangle of Bhairava Nath Temple in Srinagar. The Auqaf Trust under the patronage of the rulers that be has been grabbing government lands and the lands belonging to the Hindus. The temples inside various localities have been brought out to the public gaze by opening out new roads resulting in their desecration and persistent demolition by the Muslim intolerants. The path for Parikrama round the hari parbat hillock was dug out. The Buddhists were subjected to the campaigns of proselytisation till they revolted. Yet Farooq Abdullah clamoured that the Muslim identity was in danger. In fact, it was a finer way of saying that Islam was in danger and it is and has ever been the lethal slogan of the Muslim bigots bent upon raising religious frenzy for ulterior motives.

An onslaught on the history of Kashmir was launched under a well articulated plan. The Hindu past of Kashmir was distorted only to present it as a panorama of dismal and dark events with no contributions to make. The Muslim period was extolled as a glorious period dispelling the dark period for all times to come. The Muslim method of writing history, to be fair, is not dispassionate and disinterested but is surely based on glorification of all acts for proselytisation even though brutal and tyrannous. A perusal of the Persian chronicles as recorded by the Muslims testifies to the same. Baharistan-i-Shahi as a model of Muslim chronicling is unequivocal in presenting the role of the Muslim rulers leading to the genocide of the Kashmirian Hindus as highly laudable. The Central Asian Studies centre working under the aegis of the University of Kashmir was assiduously in quest of Central Asian influences on Kashmir ignoring that Kashmir was the first to humanise the Central Asians. Forgetting that history in general shapes out as a result of currents and cross-currents, and their inter-mingling, a pernicious attempt was made to discredit the indigenous levels of culture and civilisation. What made them myopic was that they tried to see the whole course of history through a pigeon-hole lens. Be it said that the Muslims have a history of six hundred years only in Kashmir and the Hindus have a history of 5000 years, which only an ignoramus can ignore and overlook and that, too at his own peril.

What was tragic was that men with no grounding in the history and culture of Kashmir endeavoured to ventilate their mis-conceived notions on such suhjects. Dr. Stein, a world famous archaeologist and man of erudition, was ridiculed as to have rated and extolled Kalhan as a great historio-grapher. Such a view by an ignoramus recipient of Padma Shree, was expressed in 'Vaad', a monthly later a quarterly in Kashmiri Ianguage. Attempts were made to trace the etymologies of some place-names in Kashmir giving a life-time shock to the scholarly circles as they ignored linguistic principles and were absurd and meaningless. Prof. M.L. Koul blasted the entire structure of etymologies bordering on absurdity by writing four articles dilating on the origins of the place names, which are essentially rooted in the Sanskritic word-hoard.10 The same trend of discrediting the scholars, who worked on the history and culture of Kashmir, was pursued.

The Cultural Academy in its Encyclopaedia has offered some stunning treatment to some prominent places with a hoary past. Anantnag as the district headquarters in south of Kashmir continues to be the name in revenue records. But Muslims call it by the name of Islamabad and official Encyclopaedia has devoted more space to Islamabad than that of Anantnag. Could it be dismissed as a stray act ? Has Islamabad something more to offer than what was already in Anantnag? This trend of Islamisation assiduously adhered to was carried on under a systematic treatment. Absurd attempts to trace the origins of Kashmiri language to Arabic and other Semitic languages were resorted to only to create a mindset for an ultimate crusade to be launched upon in the puppet theatre of Kashmir.

What Farooq Abdullah in his first stint as the Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir State did unto the polity of Kashmir was a total divide between the two major communities, Islamisation pogrom taken to its full-length limits, and patronisation of subversion, sabotage and secession. A nexus between the state power and the forces of Islamisation was perceptibly visible.

Following the foot-prints of his father, Farooq Abdullah worked consistently for the disintegration of the country by collaborating and aligning with subversive forces spearheading secessionist agenda.11 The bona fides of such subversive and disruptive forces were patently clear as they had been working out the formulations of a neighbouring country harbouring visceral hatred against India. Prior to Ihe Operation Blue Star, he happened to meet Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwala,12 who had identified himself with divisive forces aided and abetted by Pakistan only to deflect the Sikhs from the path of patriotism and humanism.

The motivating intent of such a meeting was well within the ken of all. It was just to chart out a course of alliance with disruptive and antinational forces designed to provide them facilities for fanning out their operational base. As a result of nexus between Farooq and the Punjab terrorists, six training camps to train the new recruits were allowed to operate on the soil of Jammu and Kashmir. What game Farooq Abdullah was playing ? Whose game was he playing ? He was accused of openly playing into the hands of those to whom he was committed. He was already drawn into the dragnet of the forces inimical to the solidarity and integrity of the country. To all intents and purposes, he was a collaborator of the plan-formulations designed to break up the country.

The secessionist agenda formed an essential part of the election campaign. The fact remains that the National Conference leadership was wont to raise a bogey of encroachment on the quantum of autonomy granted under Article 370.13 But 1984 elections were entirely different and the election posters underlined a different theme, exhorting the Kashmirians to continue their struggle for so-called freedom as symbolised by the 'plough' and ward off the yoke of slavery. That they were massacred by the cruel Indians and their innocent girls were put to spears by the enemies surrounding them formed the thematic substance of many a poster. It was all hate-India campaign preparing the Kashmirian Muslims for an impending battle. That India was hell and he did not want to see it was the usual fulmination he would resort to as a part of his strategy to distance the Muslims away from the Indian mainstream.

Farooq's castigations against his father were more significant than many other acts he resorted to. Sheikh Abdullah, to him, appeared simple and honest and that was what made him to suffer the Indian brutalities prepetraed on his person. He wanted him to be sly and cunning and retaliate by the demolition of the entire edifice that had emerged after 1947 developments. Losing his cool, he would threaten to assume the role of Jinnah. His indications were more than clear that he was going to devastate the entire secular fabric and wreck the ties of Kashmir with that of India. Crafty and dubious, he proved the wrecker of Kashmir by allowing the Pak-trained terrorists to fan out, mobilise and consolidate their ground position. In Identity Seminar, Maulana Masoodi had cautioned him that by re-opening the accession issue, he was 'playing with fire'. But, he knew no restraint and went on with his diatribes against India, which he considered hell and did not want to see it.

Without looking back, Farooq Abdullah went ahead with the re- introduction of the Re-settlement Bill in the state legislature. lt had the same objective of heightening the communal tensions by inviting the Muslims of Pak-occupied Kashmir to come to the state only to occupy their landed and structural properties, which in some cases were occupied by the Hindu and Sikh refugees. The Muslim-orientation of Farooq Abdullah motivated him to re-settle the Muslims in their native land, but never bothered about the Hindu and Sikh refugees who had lost all such properties in Pakistan. Their fate is hanging fire and are denied all political and constitutional rights as are conferred upon the citizens of the country. The strategy devised by the Plebiscite Fronters masquerading as nationalists and carried on by Farooq Abdullah was only to heighten communal tension and conflict thereby opening up the secessionist agenda with a renewed vigour.

The role lhat Farooq Abdullah played in the politics of Kashmir can be safely characterised as that of a traitor. Pakistan fought three wars to wrest Kashmir, but was vanquished every time. But she achieved its objective of hijacking the people of Kashmir only with the express support of Farooq Abdullah. Secession was sponsored at the governmental level with the open support of the Islamised bureaucracy committed to the communal and divisive agenda of Jamaat-i-Islami. Intelligence network was coerced to collaborate. Some top Muslim police officers with the bright record of fighting Pakistan machinations were silenced. Their reports about the developing situation were consigned to the dustbin. Attempts were made on their lives through the terrorists initially operating in Ladakh under the guise of Sikhs.

The Valley was in the process of getting infested with terrorism and the Chief Minister was playing truant by keeping away from the Capital. His absolute neglect of the state affairs was deliberate, though criminal. He reduced the state machinery to a heap of ruins, with its muscles crippled and dead. The authority of the state was waning, throwing ample indications of disappearance. The terrorists were consolidating, gaining ground, organising their network and flexing their muscles for the impending battle. Acts of sabotage were ever on an increase.

Farooq Abdullah through his political chicanery sealed the fate of Kashmirian minorities. His speeches in Hindu dominated localities were venomous, communal and charged with vengeance. The instability and insecurity of the minorities touched all time high. With the state ship in a drift, the Islamised bureaucracy straitjacketed them denying them the basic right to live. The Kashmirian Hindus were targeted, looted, abused and neglected.

The Kashmirian Hindus were drawn into a vortex of crisis, insecurity and instability. Their entry into the service slots was practically blocked by all fraudulent ways. The brights as usual were discriminated and there were writ petitions galore challenging the validity of selections based on sectarian and communal criteria.

Farooq celebrating his victory with his goons in an open jeep stopped at Ganpatyar Temple, Srinagar creating an atmosphere of fear and panic when the entire locality was pelted at and a barrage of abuse let loose on the Kashmirian Hindus.

Notes and References

1. Report of the Jammu and Kashmir Cabinet Sub-Committee headed by D.D. Thakur, Deputy Chief Minister.  2. Ibid.  3. Ibid.  4. Narendra Sehgal, Dharmantarit Kashmir (Hindi)  5. Ibid  6. Ibid  7. Ibid  8. Prof. Asraf Saraf, now in POK and Prof. Abdul Gani were dismissed from the state services for pursuing pro-Pak politics by Jagmohan, the Governor of Jammu and Kashmir.  9. Jagmohan, My Frozen Turbulence.  10. Prof. M.L. Koul, ''In Defence of Kalhan," published in Daily Excelsior, Jammu.  11. Report of the Jammu and Kashmir Cabinet Sub-Committee headed by D.D. Thakur, Deputy Chief Minister.  12. Narendra Sehgal, Dharmantarit Kashmir (Hindi); P.C. Sethi's correspondence with Farooq aprops the training camps in J & K State.  13. Indian Express, 14th January, 1983.

Kashmir: Past and Present



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World Kashmiri Pandit Conference 1993 Panun Kashmir
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