CHAPTER TWELVE
Ghulam Mohammad
SadiqThere
is no denying the fact that Ghulam Mohammad Sadiq was soft, sophisticated,
cultured and educated. He had a reputation for honesty and unlike other
National Conference stalwarts he was not wedded to corruption and under-hand
means of amassing wealth. He was a Marxist and had contacts with the Marxists
of all hues within the country. He had the distinction of leading a brilliant
group of young communists (Hindus) within the National Conference. As an
ideologue of National Conference, he was seriously heard by all hues of
politicians. That he was a man of conviction is the general assessment
made by various levels of people having come into contact with him.
Being essentially
an arm-chair politician, G.M. Sadiq was absolutely lacking in dynamism
and mobility, stamina and grit. Though proverbially honest, yet he failed
to give the state an administration which could be termed as clean, free
from corruption and communalism. Aware of the interference in governmental
affairs by Miss Mahmooda Ahmad Ali Shah, said to be his wife, he allowed
her to grow as a parallel centre of power. Even his sister, Zainab Begum,
could not resist from interfering in administrative affairs.
G.M. Sadiq
for his sterling qualities of head and heart enjoyed immense popularity
with the Kashmirian Hindus, who supported him in his political wrangles
against Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad. That he would be soft and considerate to
them was belied by his pursuit of discriminatory policies against them.
There was no letup in the policy of harassment and economic squeeze of
the Kashmirian Hindus. The Muslims continued to be his utmost concern and
the Hindus were virtually consigned to backwaters with not even subservient
role to play.
It was G.M.
Sadiq who formalised the blatant discrimination of the Kashmirian Hindus
by the issuance of an order reserving 30% of job slots, promotions and
admissions to training and technical institutions for the Kashmirian Hindus
and 70% for the Kashmirian Muslims. The said-order was not accepted by
the Islamised bureaucracy, which consistently pursued the policy of putting
the Kashmirian Hindus to an agonising economic squeeze. Discrimination
went on trampling upon the rights of the minorities. No political leader
except G.M. Sadiq dared resort to such a measure based on flagrant communal
considerations and sectarianism.
The order proved
a land-mark in the history of discrimination and relentless elimination
of the Kashmirian Hindus. Violative of the constitutional provisions, the
orders were outrageously communal making religion as a determining factor
for entry into services and admissions into professional colleges. What
was shocking that such orders were issued at the behest of G.M. Sadiq,
who had pretensions to secular and progressive credentials. The Kashmirian
Hindus did not take orders lying down, but opposed it tooth and nail. They
termed the orders as black orders contravening the constitutional tenets
and provisos. The Hindus upheld merit and academic achievements as the
determining factors of recruitment in services and admissions to professional
colleges and technical institutions.
Exposing the
communal hue and underpinnings of the said order, the Kashmirian Hindus
rammed it home to the National Conference leadership that it belied the
promises held out to them in the blue print of 'Naya Kashmir', essentially
a document of secularism upholding even-handed treatment to all communities
without religious considerations. Thus, G.M. Sadiq was held guilty of axing
and eroding the very ideals which he had cherished all through his political
career. By the issuance of such an order, he appeared no different from Bakshi, who granted admission to the Muslim boys and girls without suffering
any rigours of test and interview, from Sheikh Abdullah, who heralded the
process of supersessions, from Mir Qasim, who grabbed small holdings of
land from the Kashmirian Hindus, from Farooq Abdullah, who led to the hounding
out of the minorities from their home-land by feeding and shielding communally
tilted secessionist forces.
Let it be known
that the Islamised bureaucracy never put 30% reservations for the Kashmirian
Hindus into actual practice. It only threw crumbs and left-overs to them
and hired and fired at will and whim.
The educational
institutions and other departments in the state were starved of trained
and qualitied teachers and staff. Appointments to various job-slots were
not made or deferred only because most of the applicants happened to be
the Kashmirian Hindus, who as a matter of state policy were to be sidelined.
The crusade in Kashmir has been against merit, academic achievements, and
scholarship. Impeccable academic credentials never formed a plank for entry
into state services or admission in the professional colleges. Many a Hindu
bright has lost careers. A Muslim boy or girl with very low percentage
of marks finds admission in various professional colleges. What has been
the travesty of justice is that many Muslims with no background knowledge
of science were admitted to engineering and medical colleges. That admissions
to various study programmes and entry into job slots are determined by
the population ratio of a particular community has been the Muslim approach
to the entire gamut of the problem. l G.M Sadiq proved the worst for the
Kashmirian Hindus, not only that they were subjected to the atrocious discrimination
on religious grounds but were also openly assaulted and hurt inflicted
on them. On 11th September, 1964, a group of Muslim boatment dared construct
a shed on a piece of land owned by a Kashmirian Hindu. Objecting to the
illegal act of raising a shed on the piece of land, the Hindu family had
to face an avalanche of hostility on part of Muslims got collected in hordes
from the area only to launch a physical assault on the members of the family.
Men were severly beaten and roughed up, women were dragged out of their
houses suffering grievous injuries and their gold ornaments snatched. Taking
it as a Jehad against the infidels, all Muslims losing cool and sanity
stood as monolith to grab the piece of land owned by a Hindu.
The culprits
were not arrested nor were they punished for the unlawful act. The Muslims
as a matter of rule were beyond the purview of law. The whole atrocity
was brought to the notice of the Chief Minister, G.M. Sadiq, who had full
faith in rule of law but never moved in the direction of establishing rule
of law in the state he ruled.
A representation
was also submitted to the Prime Minister of India bringing the lawless
conditions prevailing in the state to his notice. But nothing transpired.
The boatmen with the support of their co-religionists proved a menance
for the Kashmirian Hindus in the area subjecting them to a barrage of abuse,
harassment and intimidation and the law enforcing agencies maintaining
strong silence. The entire situation bordering on communal clashes were
reported in a local Daily and the Government went to the extent of arresting
three journalists and stopping the publication of a daily paper.
The policy
of discrimination concertedly pursued by the Islamised bureaucracy of the
state caused an immeasurable frustration and despair in the Hindu boys
and girls of the Valley of Kashmir. Twenty Hindu boys and girls having
been ignored for admissions to the professional colleges, despite their
merit and achievements, declared their conversion to Islam as the state
was not only pro-Muslim, but seemed to be pro-Muslim. A Sikh boy also expressed
the same view and was ready to accept Islam.3 The policy of relentless
persecution of non-Muslim ethnic groups was vigorously pursued to eliminate
them or force them to get converted to Islam.
Such developments
culminated in the regime of G.M. Sadiq, who perhaps contributed to the
view-point of 'religion being opium for the masses', yet he pursued a policy
based on religious discrimination investing it with legitimacy and sanctity.
G.M. Sadiq
in the name of normalisation made a truce with the rabid Muslim forces
working for discrimination and secessionism. He lent them a new lease by
loosening the grip over their anti-national activities, thus emboldening
them for waging a war on the minorities, who have all along been the soft
targets of the Muslim bigotry. Allowing the rabid Muslims to creep into
the state administration, Sadiq practically allowed the state machine to
slip into the hands of anti-national and non-secular forces. The Jamaat-i-lslami
had been in the process of spreading its tentacles by establishing its
support-base in a number of pockets. The Madrasas run by the rabid organisation
were getting government grants and thus were busy in vitiating the entire
socio-political fabric of the state. Most of the government run schools
were stafted by men and women owing allegiance to the Jamaat-i-Islami enjoying
political patronage. The organisation spreading communal canker was working
slowly, but surely. No positive and purposive steps were taken to meet
the challenge and countcract the vicious propaganda of the Jammat-i-Islami,
which was directly affiliated to the Jamaat-i-lslami of Pakistan. Jamaat-oriented
cadre had been in the process ot sneaking into administration and police.
Pandit Rishi
Dev,4 a veteran leader of the congress in Kashmir, posed the problem of
a Kashmirian Hindu teacher to G.M. Sadiq holding the portfolio of Education.
The paralysed parents of the teacher had been confined to bed for a long
time. Being the only son, the unfortutlate couple needed his care and attention.
Pandit Rishi Dev requested the Chief Minister to transfer the teacher to
his native hamlet or a nearby village. What Sadiq did was to ask the Hindu
leader to deposit the application with his secretary. The same was done.
Meanwhile a Molvi flaunting long beard hailing from Rishi Dev's village
was led into the Chief Minister's chambers. He was cordially received and
requested the Chief Minister to appoint his daughter, a middle pass, to
the post of a teacher. His application was taken. To Rishi Dev's consternation,
within a week's time, the Molvi's daugllter was sent the appointment letter
and the Hindu teacher was not transferred on humanitarian grounds. And
this testifies to the instinctive hatred which the Muslims of all complexions
harboured for the Kashmirian Hindus.
Miss Mahmooda
Ahmad Ali Shah, the virtual ruler in the times of G.M. Sadiq, was out to
destroy the service career of a Hindu professor when he stopped coaching
a close relation of G.M. Sadiq in the college hostel.5 The girl hailing
from Palhalan, district Baramulla, was below average with no learning capacities
and the professor feared that he might be harassed for the below normal
performance of the girl in exams. That was what led the professor to stop
from going to the hostel for coaching the girl. He was persuaded to resume
the coaching, but the professor stuck to his guns and showed his inability
to resume it. It was sufficient to offend Miss Mahmooda, the principal
of the college. Within days he was involved in a case of moral turpitude
and suspension orders followed. Mr. Noor-ud-din, the vice-chancellor of
the Kashmir University, was appointed as an enquiry officer to probe the
whole affair. He paid a visit to the college and on preliminary enquiries
dismissed the whole case as personal vendetta and gave a clean chit to
the professor, who was transferred from women's college, Srinagar.
The tragedy
of the Kashmirian Hindus is that they as a matter of state policy are to
be discriminated and hounded out at every level, but are first coaxed and
then ordered and coerced to teach the sons and daughters and very close
relatives of the Muslims in corridors of power. Why they do not depend
on the Muslims now manning all educational institutions in the state needs
be researched.
G.M. Sadiq
in pursuit of discriminatory policies virtually brought about the death
of the educational institutions as vibrant, open and wholesome places shaping
the maleable human material for higher achievements and healthy roles.
The teachers moulding the human material were discriminated on religious
grounds and their ambitions for career building stifled. The same discriminatory
policy was pursued in the institutions of higher learning. And the State
Public Service Commission came handy for serving the ends of divisive communalism.
The Commission
has all along been staffed by men and women, who have risen to top echelons
only through the policy of manipulation and discrimination. Objectively
speaking, it appears that the Commission is under an oath to serve the
Muslim ends and interests. It knows the alchemy to transform gold into
dross and dross into gold. The Commission has a gory history of slaughtering
the careers of brilliant young men and women, mostly Hindus. To serve the
Muslims, it has established a permanent liaison with the professors of
the Aligarh Muslim University, who are favourably inclined to uphold the
Muslim interests at the expense of other ethnic groups. And Mr. Bakar is
the only star in the firmament of the Indian Academics. He is an expert
for all levels of appointments. The crux of the intent is that men of such
hue are convenient to handle while scholars from other universities are
too tough to be handled to meet sectarian ends.
Pursuing a
policy of blatant discrimination the State Public Service Commission has
set new records in the book of discrimination when a Muslim lecturer in
physics with 5 years of total service was pushed over the head of Prof. T.N. Kilam on the verge of retirement. The criteria framed by the state
government and the Commission were discriminatory and arbitrary. Rating
scales were such as would benefit the Muslims only. Basic parameters of
merit, academic achievements and experience were distorted and left out
as redundant. The rumour mill had it that the professors recommended for
promotion and subsequently promoted were of the 'chikan brand'. Chikan
was a rabid Muslim, corrupt and communal, got rehabilitated by Sadiq under
the policy of 'normalisation' and was placed on the Public Service Commission.
Not taking
the tyranny lying down, the Kashmirian Hindus were in the vanguard of the
battle for restoration of fundamental rights as enshrined in the Constitution.
A writ petition was filed in the State High Court against the Government
of Jammu and Kashmir. The case was fought by the State Government on the
basis of the norms fixed by the government ignoring the genuine parameters.
The Hon'ble Justice Murtaza Fazli Ali struck down the promotions stressing
that he was yet to 'learn of an alchemy transmuting gold into dross and
dross irto gold."' Such a policy of discrimination was consistently pursued
in all departments of the government trampling upon the rights of the Hindus.
The Muslim rulers conveying to the Muslims that they were fostering their
interests and the Kashmirian Hindus banking only on constitutional remedies.
In fact, in face of such tyranny, it were the constitutional guarantees
only that had been sustaining the Kashmirian Hindus till they were forced
to march out of their land of birth.
Kashmiri
Pandit Agitation
It was only
in the regime of G.M. Sadiq that a poor and destitute Hindu girl was abducled,
converted to Islam and married to a Muslim boy. Living a life of extreme
poverty, she was obliged to take up a petty job in the co-operative department.
A Muslim boy worked in the same department and for one reason or the other,
blackmailed her with the aid of other Muslims working in the same department.
The Muslim boy got her pay stopped and put her on duty at odd hours. He
having misappropriated some money from the department did not suffer suspension
or enquiry, But his officer, also a Muslim, paid off the cash and abetted
the boy in black-mailing the girl. The boy emboldened by the abettment
of his Muslim colleagues made off with the girl. The mother of the girl
reported the matter to the local police station. The abductor and the abducted
girl were finally traced by the police to a house at Wazapora, a den of
rabid Muslims owing allegiance to Pakistan.
The preliminary
investigation was conducted by the Muslim officer at Maharaj Gunj, not
at Rainawari, where the FIR was filed. Be it said that the police station
at Rainawari was headed by a Hindu. The girl was later shifted to the Police
Station at Khanyar, a Muslim dominated locality, where not a single Hindu
lives. It was done only to facilitate the abductor to meet the girl quite
frequently and finally the girl was handed over to the Muslim criminal
illegally without completing all formalities including the radiological
examination.
The-government
was extremely cautious in not associating any Hindu with the investigation.
The mother was allowed to see her daughter only under the police surveillance.
No member of the Hindu community was allowed to meet the girl in camera.
The police did not take the case to a court of law and assigning judicial
powers unto itself decided to allow the abducted girl to live with the
abductor. The age of the girl was not properly ascertained and rumour mill
had it that the Muslim officer investigating the case accompanied the abductor
and the abducted girl to the abductor's residence where he was treated
to a delicious dinner. Agitated over the scandalous role of Islamised police
machinery there was a spontaneous reaction and deep-seated resentment among
the public.7
The Kashmiriian
Pandit agitation exposed to the hilt the secular credentials of the Muslims
in general and G.M. Sadiq in particular. The Muslims lost all elements
of rationality and let loose a reign of terror only to silence the Hindu
protest against the forcible conversion and subsequent marriage to a Muslim
of a Hindu girl living in indigent conditions. G.M. Sadiq utterly failed
to curb the Muslim bigotry, which he fuelled by aligning himself with the
forces of obscurantism and medievalism.
The police
forces already Islamised inflicted unprecedented brutalities on the Kashmirian
Hindus, who were put to bullets, teargassed and lathi-charged. Indiscriminate
arrests were made by passing all constitutional guarantees. The publication
of newspapers was banned by the government including the official organ
of the Hindu community. Their editors were unlawfully detained. Acid was
thrown on women protesting against the severe onslaught launched against
them violating their honour and dignity as members of a civilised polity.
The police brutalities were harrowing and bone-chilling. The Report of
the Kohli Commission in this behalf is revealing. The government for fear
of reprisals and exposure suppressed the entire Report and never put it
before the public gaze and constitutionally framed fora.
The two Ministers
of the Sadiq Cabinet, Pir Giyas-ud-Din and Noor Mohammad, in complicity
with Abdul Ahad Burza, a close relative of the Chief Minister, distributed
money and liquor among the Muslim rabids only to organise a massive demonstration
against the Kashmirian Hindus, who had been wronged and denied the right
to live with honour and dignity. The procession comprising all hues of
Muslim rabids raised Islamic war-cries, archaic and volatile only to coerce
the Hindus into submission. The frenzied crowds yelled, "We are fighting
infidels'.8 The Muslim crowds looted and plundered the properties of the
Kashmirian Hindus and finally set them ablaze.9 Be it said that loot and
plunder are an essential part of the Muslim ethos.
The Muslims
losing traces of sanity stabbed two youngmen, H. N. Mattoo and Avtar Krishnan
Khashoo to death. Gopi Nath Handoo was wounded and killed. In all nine
Hindus were killed in police brutalities or in communal madness.l0 The
funeral procession of Maharaj Krishan Razdan and Lassa Koul Badam, who
fell to police bullets, was pelted at by the Muslims. A big contingent
of the Kashmir Armed police in plain clothes also took part in pelting
stones at the funeral procession at Karan Nagar in the city of Srinagar.11
Zainab Begum,
the sister of G.M. Sadiq, was the person, who bitterly opposed the suggestion
to hand over the abudcted girl to a third party as a prelude to the solution
of the vexatious problem. 12 The close relatives of the Chief Minister
were in the vanguard of the Muslim communalists, who had waged war on the
Kashmirian Hindus, demanding stern action against the partisan role of
the police machine and more than most protection of their women-folk. l3
The memorandum
submitted to the then Home Minister, Y.B. Chavan, thoroughly exposed the
bankruptcy and hollowness of the Muslim mind. The Kashmirian Hindus, who
do not keep a knife in their homes and are universally known for non-violence,
were accused of having piled up arms and arnmunition in temples and residential
quarters. Who had sent the arms? Who had received the arms? Did the police
authorities recover arms and ammunition from a single temple? If arms and
ammunition were recovered from temples and residential quarters, did the
police prepare their inventories and file FIRs? Were the cases filed against
the accused? The Muslims through the memorandum also made a reference to
the seizure of the truck-loads of armaments and the Hindus subjecting the
Muslim crowds to atrocities.l4 The same propaganda spree was launched by
the Plebiscite Fronters, who pioneered communalism, secessionism and separatism
in the state.
The fact of
the matter remains that the government circles in collaboration with the
Muslim bigots launched a campaign of calumny, hatred and disinformation
against the Kashmirian Hindus. The Muslims with low levels of rational
analysis and prone to religious frenzy took the contents of the false propaganda
for granted and rallied behind the forces of hatred and bigotry for waging
war against the Kashmirian Hindus. The present day Muhta Khans resort to
his strategy to exterminate infidelity from Kashmir. That the miniscule
minority of Hindus had posed a threat of annihilation to the Muslim majority
was nothing but ironical. All the same the Muslims believed that myth.
What a naivity !
The Kashmiri
Pandit Agitation ended leaving a trail of bitterness resulting in the segregation
of the two communities of the Hindus and the Muslims. The credibility of
the Congress as an organisation upholding secularism and democracy as cherished
values suffered a nose-dive. Completely identifying itself with the forces
of Muslim reaction, it sufficiently pointered to the ominous developments
that were in store for the polity of Kashmir at large. Under the facade
of 'normalisation' and 'democratisation', the forces of disruption, secession
and communal hatred, though temporarily and half-heartedly put to leash
by the Bakshi government, were allowed to get unleashed and given a long
rope to resurge and re-generate a movement drawing support from the masses
at an unprecedented scale.
Men of dubious
character having forged links with elements from across the border were
rehabilitated and placed at key-slots in the administrative setup. The
process of anti-national elements sneaking into the administrative machine
gained momentum. The Chief Minister shut up in his drawing room weaving
political phantasies perceptibly allowed the entire state machine to slip
into the lap of Plebiscite Fronters and pro-Pak elements leaving a deep-seated
negative of impact on the nationalists and democrats working for unity,
solidarity and comrnunal peace and amity.
The Congress
pandering the Muslim frenzy that automatically touches immeasurable heights
on an issue like the conversion and marriage of a Hindu girl to a Muslim
resorted to the mean strategy of coercing the Hindu minority into subjugation
and surrender by mobilising the frenzied Muslim hordes on the staple diet
of jehad (religious war) against the infidels (kafirs). The rabid communal
elements operating with absolute freedom with the entire Congress government
at the fuelling end repeated history for the Kashmirian Hindus subjecting
them to loot, murder and arson.
Notes and
References
1. Plebiscite
Front Resolution. 2. P. L. Koul, Crisis in Kashmir. 3. Report
published in Daily Pratap. 4. Interview
with Pt. Rishi Dev, a veteran Congress leader, whose entire structural
property was set ablaze by the Muslim terrorists. 5. Interview
with the Teachers Forum. 6. Judgment
on writ petition filed by College Teachers in the J & K High Court. 7. Wail
of the Vale, issued bv the Hindu Action Committee. 8. Ibid. 9. lbid.
10. lbid. 11. lbid 12. P.L. Koul, Crisis in Kashmir. 13. Wail
of the Vale. 14. The
Memorandum of 'Respectable (Muslim) citizens of Kashmir'. submitted to
Home Minister of India, Y.B. Chavan.
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