Part
I: Chapter 25
LOOT
OF LANDED PROPERTIES
The
National Conference having risen from the debris of Reading Room Party
and Muslim conference continued with its Anti-Kashmiri Pandit campaign
and thrust culminating in the loot of landed properties which in most of
the cases were purchased by the owners with the moneys raised from the
sale of ornaments and other precious possessions. A Land Reforms committee
with a Hindu careerist as its fulcrum, a mere matriculate, granted extension
upon extension, to sanctify the loot, was appointed in April, 1948 with
the patent mandate of drafting a full-scale reforms programme for the transfer
of land to the tillers after the abolition of big landed estates. The land
reforms considered as a means to the betterment of the lot of peasantry
could not be rationally opposed, but how shoddily they were scribbled,
much less drafted and hastily implemented betrayed bias and vengeance.
The Land Reforms committee was not membered and led by eminent experts
and reputed economists who could have drawn a fool-proof reforms programme
in accordance with the principles of fairness and equity. The vision and
perspective of its members was so limited and circumscribed that all available
contemporary models perfected only after proper experimentation were neither
studied nor cognised for effective guidance and subsequent implementation.
The Soviet-type co-operative and collective farms failed to inspire the
committee members though land reforms considered vital to the processes
of socio-economic transformation were upheld by the communists who had
played a key-role in drafting the New Kashmir document. The manner land
reforms were executed convinced all and sundry that it was a virtual loot
lerpetrated on the Kashmiri Pandits.
The local National
Conference leaders and activists, mostly political leaders, in unison with
the designated revenue authorities at district and village level worked
out the pre-determined mala-fide objective of dispossessing the
Pandits of their meagre landed properties. Wrath and fury unprecedented
in scale was generated against them as they had been cunningly projected
as the only section possessing landed properties. The names of Hindu landlords
who were only two in number were frequently projected
as the exploiters and blood-suckers to solidify the ranks of Muslims on
religious grounds for nefarious political objectives. Ahmad Mir and Musmat
Ashraf Begum possessing 4,202 kanals of land and 3,915 kanals of land respectively
were never projected on the public mindscape because of the religion they
espoused. Two Muslim shrines of Baba Reshi and Dastagir Sahib had a land
grant of ten thousand kanals which are said to have been partially snatched
away perhaps again on religious considerations. Despite the Hindu ruler,
there was no Hindu shrine which had in its possession
the same measure of land to augment and supplement its resources. Land
reforms at the grass-root level were craftily used as a ploy to sharpen
the cleavage between the Hindus and the Muslims.
Lands were
looted and usurped by the Muslims when the Kashmiri Pandits were bereft
of constitutional guarantees and safeguards as the people of India had
yet to draft and adopt a constitution with a list of fundamental rights
and duties. Even the state had yet to give a constitution unto itself with
a view to creating a state within the state. The Kashmiri Pandits were
not aliens, but bonafide citizens of the state of India and before a loot
was perpetrated on them, they had every right to defend themselves against
such a cruel atrocity. Sheikh Abdullah as the head of an Emergency Administration
and Interim government drawing executive authority only from the ruler
whom he detested the most hastily embarked upon the infliction of the loot
on the Pandits who as per Islamic tenets could not own land and were maligned
for owning even small holdings of land and hence spurred by the same motivation
could not be spared from the sharp scissors of the land reforms. At the
behest of Britishers and communal elements operating from Lahore and elsewhere
he had waged a sectarian battle against the Maharaja ostensibly to install
a responsible government, which under clear cut enunciations underlines
a government responsible to the legislature comprising the elected members
on the basis of adult franchise. Was there any legislature when the processes
of land grabbing were given a push up? Was there a supervening constitution
sanctified under a due democratic process that would have invested the
citizens with justiciable rights flowing from it? The state of Jammu and
Kashmir despite its accession to the nascent
dominion of India had yet to constitute itself as an integral part of the
union in accordance with the requirements of a modern nation- state.
Sheikh Abdullah
committed a fraud on the Hindus when he made open declarations about the
impending land reforms from the pulpit of National Conference much before
the reforms were formulated and enacted as law. The Muslim landlords taking
the cue and already aware of the dates for the enactment of land reforms,
to be exact, tipped off in advance, entered into quick negotiations with
their Muslim tenants and showed the lands under self-cultivation or distributed
the lands beyond the stipulated ceiling among their family members. The
Hindu landlords were at a definite disadvantage as they could not exploit
the religious sentiments the same way as Muslims could. It was construed
as a deliberate move revealing a design to save the Muslim landlords from
the clutches of arbitrary land reforms, which were pushed against the Pandits
right from 1947. The arbitrariness of the act was sanctified in a vengeful
and brazen manner by adding a sub-clause to the Act when the constituent
Assembly was constituted in 1951.
The Hindus
for the fact that they were Hindus and Kafirs at war were not paid any
compensation when tracts of land were snatched away and grabbed from them
despotically and arbitrarily. The Land Compensation Committee was conceived
and set up as an eye-wash and a hoax and in utter disregard of material
grounds and facts it upheld the arbitrary executive fiat and unjustly fortified
the fraud that was committed on the land -owners by the Interim Government
in the name of so-called socio-economic reconstruction. As per the report
of the said-committee. "To support compensation to such persons will be
like telling the tillers that though they morally owned the land, they
must buy it from those 'who did not morally own it ".
What does 'morally owned the land' mean? What does 'who did not morally
own it' mean? The National Conference was ethnically cleansing a community
by snatching away its main succour and sustenance without allowing and
opening up other channels for its survival and rehabitation and compensation
committee was vying with morals and quoting scriptures when what it was
sanctifying, upholding and contributing to was stark violation of all norms
of ethics and its genuine tenets.
To possess
land in terms of law means to own land and as is amply known possession
is three-fourths of law. The land was in actual possession of landholders
who after due processes of revenue settlement and verification legitimately
conducted from time to time were enlisted as assamis by W.R. Lawrence and
invested with ownership rights with powers to sell and mortgage by B.J.
Glancy and therefore not only deserved compensation but had to be compensated
as dictated by law for the losses they were incurring when lands were inthe
processes of being snatched away for distribution among Muslims. But law
was perverted and subverted with all cussedness and it has been so in Kashmir
since 1947.
The compensation
committee has recorded in acknowledgement that there were some proprietors
who had purchased their tracts of land very recently, but despite it, they
were not shown consideration and mercy and were brushed off their purchased
properties with the same prejudice and vengeance. The committee has also
recorded that they had made huge profits from the landed property which
they had purchased and hence in view of it they could not be paid compensation.
What a logic? The committee labouring under severe communal prejudice failed
to learn from the basic principle of commerce that properties are made
held and purchased with a view to making profits. The committee virtually
played the proverbial wolf and lamb with the Pandits ownring small tracts
of land known as 'Chaks'. The orchardists were not dispossessed on one
pretext or the other as the Pandits were nor were their orchards put to
a ceiling because they are mostly Muslims and they are known world over
for having made profits worth crores and having amassed amazing assets
and properties.
Records R.K.Bharti,
"The Land is taken without compensation when Hindus are involved.
When Muslim
novo-rich (VIPs) are involved the Act has taken care of them by providing
'prevalent market rates' under schedule-III Part B of the Act."
Intriguing
as it is huge orchards owned by the Muslim rich have not been brought within
the purview of land reforms. The Agrarian Reforms Act of 1972 as a satanic
act had exempted the orchards laid out before 1971 from a ceiling limit,
but had prescribed and stipulated for a ceiling limit for the orchards
laid out and cultivated after 1971 Why were orchards laid out prior to
1971 put beyond the purview of a ceiling limit? Why were orchards laid
out after 1971 put to a ceiling limit? There was apparently no logical
or even reasonable basis for the said-stipulations, but all these stipulations
smacked of communal considerations and motivations. The Muslims had already
laid out orchards which needed protection and legitimacy and the Act provided
such protection and legitimacy by incorporating illogical and meaningless
provisions. And Mir Qasim was the architect of these reforms with brimming
communal content in them.
Sheikh Abdullah
in the wake of his take-over in 1975 as Chief Minister of the state caused
the Act to be amended in post-haste with a view to putting the orchards
beyond any prescribed limit thus affording lavish patronage and leverage
both political and economic to the apple-sheikhs whose orchards endlessly
sprawl over acres upon acres of land with no perceptible curbs to their
proliferation. It is believed that the Sheikh and his close relatives owning
huge orchards in the valley have vitalised and fortified their interests
in land against any onslaught in the form of setting a ceiling limit to
their proliferation.
The orchard
syndrome in reality reflects the creation of 'Kulaks' who enjoy tremendous
levels of opulence and prosperity at the expense of that segment of rural
poor who were left out and not considered with seriousness for allotment
of land the time lands were snatched away ostensibly for distribution among
the landless. As the apple-sheikhs are rolling in enormous riches, there
is a proclivity fast proliferating to convert the cultivable lands though
illegal into orchards and governments of varied brands infiltrated and
throttled by the Kulaks have as a matter of design stifled any attempt
to thwart the tendency of formulating and undertaking legal measures and
introducing a ceiling limit as a matter of prime importance for orchards
as well. Kashmiri Pandits as victims to Muslim-tyranny suffered the main
thrust of the so-called land reforms and thus have been illegally deprived
of their landed
properties
by blocking all channels of redressal. But, now, when it is the Muslim
Kulak at the land site, the politicals of all hues and shades communally
motivated garner and perpetuate his interests and hence there is no necessity
felt to frame committees upon committees to formulate dubious plans to
trim and clip his wings from further forages into the agricultural lands.
Comments D.N.Dhar."
that Sheikh Abdullah had a tendency towards the development of Kulak economy
in the rural side. It may be appropriate to mention here that during his
tenure of office, there were no leftist elements either in his ministry
or in the organization. In tact, he had developed abhorrence for such elements.
He did not even refer too often to the New Kashmir programme and his commitment
to it."
Had land reforms
been conceived honestly without communal bias these should have benefited
and shown concern for that section of the ruralites which was landless
and therefore economically bereft and at bottom line and wallowing in absolute
poverty and deprivation. As is well known the reforms as such were no longer
a boon for the landless poor who as per a random estimate are no fewer
than 30,000 in number and are obliged to migrate to the heat and dust of
plains for earning a pittance.
Why was not
surplus land acquired by the government of Sheikh Abdullah from the big
landlords by the abolition of their estates distributed among the landless
labourers on a priority basis? How was it that despite their abominable
conditions and bottom-line penury they were totally ignored and shown indifference
and jibing contempt? Their as the real rural poor should have been the
first to be the beneficiaries of the reforms which the fact remains were
executed without cogent planning and fixation of primary priorities.
Records D.N. Dhar, "Despite the fact that land reforms had led to enormous disparities
in incomes in the rural side find had created a big void between-the rich
and the poor, it had led to general prosperity and affluence. The fruits
of this prosperity could have been fairly enjoyed by all sections of the
village community, had not the creation of Kulaks led to the depriving
of a large section of rural population from sharing good proportion of
the land thus taken away from the landlords.""
The Muslim
novo-rich, ruling elite, M.L.As, M.Ps, Government Officers, Judges and
Tehsildars et al owning enormous landed properties are a new class of Kulaks
who do not cultivate the land themselves as full-time occupation, but employ
cheap wage labour from Bihar and West Bengal. As per the Act the essential
condition for ownership of land presumably is that the proprietor in fulfilment
of his title has to till the land himself, but this new class of Kulaks
having taken to multiform trades and varied jobs is proliferating at a
fast and furious rate and continues to own land in fact and law. Various
Acts passed under different shades of governments have straightaway left
out the Muslim Kulaks as immune for the fact that they are Muslims and
their interests are supreme and as a matter of concerted state policy have
to be garnered and sate guarded.
Discriminatory
as it is, as per the Agrarian Reforms Act of 1976 the Kashmiri Pandits
though allowed resumption of land for bonafide cultivation have been mischievously
put to the rigorous condition of proving their residence at the land site
and are said to be required to personally take to tillage in the villages
where lands are sought to be resumed. There are a host of other inhibiting
conditions which the Pandits are required to fulfill before they are allowed
actual resumption. But the Muslim Kulaks continue to enjoy fair share of
prosperity without any intervention from government sponsored stipulations
and measures.
The Land Reforms
Committee, a puppet created under an executive fiat, fixed an individual
as a unit of cultivation, not a family. This fundamental absurdity and
irrationality was not a freak, but a deliberate piece of design to enable
the Muslim tenants, who already had their own tracts of land, to have big
estates comparable to the ones possessed by Chakdars. The head of a family
with five sons (Muslims have yet to accept family planning) was entitled
to own as much of land as was permitted within the ceiling limit and his
five sons could hold the same measure of land individually and
thus the family could possess a sizeable land holding. Then, again, the
six members of the same family could possess and own exempted lands again
on an individual basis. It will not be off course to say that the deliberate
act of presuming and establishing an individual as a unit of
cultivation led to the creation and proliferation of a class of peasants
who are prosperous and affluent at the expense of landless labour left
uncared for and high and dry.
There are examples
galore that pinpoint to the unscientific character and sheer worthlessnessof
the entire exercise of land reforms. Land belonging to a Hindu widow completely
dependent on it for succour was grabbed and given to an apple-sheikh. A
Hindu land - owner who had retired and was living on a meagre pension lost
his lands to a Muslim millionaire. A land holder was a petty school teacher
whose land was snatched and transferred to a Muslim gazetted officer flaunting
pomp and riches. The lands belonging to the deaf and dumb, morons, mental
degenerates, physically disabled, cripples and handicapped - all Kashmiri
Pandits, were grabbed and transferred to apple-sheikhs, businessmen and
affluent sections of Muslims with assets enormous and unlimited.
The Hindus
and Sikhs were virtually put on the hit-list of the government and as a
result of the hate campaign unleashed against them the revenue authorities
in collaboration with the National Conference lumpens and communist ideologues
subjected them to the worst brand of intimidation and tyranny much before
the enactment of land reforms as law. Revenue records which were
kept and maintained flawlessly were suddenly tampered with, manipulated,
mutilated and erased. Frauds committed were unscrupulous and base. Manipulationsdevised
were shameless and communally motivated. Revenue authorities expected to
be just and objective became law unto themselves and
working out behests from the powers that be flouted legal procedures and
practices in all vengefulness. Harassment and intimidation of a Pandit
or a Sikh was not a matter of aberration, but an over-riding rule. In fact,
rule of law was replaced by the rule of Jungle.
There was a
startling precedent set by a Muslim Tehsildar in Baramulla who without
rhyme or reason yelled 'Hindu-Muslim-Itihad-Zindabad' and took up his blind
pen and transferred the lands of a Sikh to a Muslim sitting in his revenue
court. Having learnt about the atrocity, the Sikh despite his fighting
spirits and bravado meekly and helplessly filed an appeal to the same maverick
officer, who was never reprimanded and disciplined for the despotic act
he had committed, instead earned accolades and praises Galore from the
powers that be. There was vet another example signalling collapse of law
set by the Muslim hordes who intruded into the orchards of a Sikh residing
at Badgam and chopped off all the fruit - bearing trees in one go and had
the audacity to claim the land under their tenancy and astonishingly the
revenue authorities without any gualms and queries registered the mutations
in the name of Muslim plunderers thereby legalising the entire brutality
and encroachment. As the orchards are not subject to a ceiling limit courtesy
Sheikh Abdullah's Agrarian Reforms Act of 1976, the cultivators exploiting
religious sentiments and deeply conscious of the flight of law and its
enforcement agencies transformed agricultural lands into orchards and the
revenue authorities, most Muslims, abetted and connived at the blatant
outrage and defiance of law.
.Mirza Afzal
Beg who was the Revenue Minister and headed the Land Reforms Committee
was a ruralite and was believed to own large tracts of land, but people
maintain that he along with his close kins enjoyed absolute immunity from
the scalpel of land reforms. Ghulam Hassan Malik, a relation of Afzal Beg
and one-time M.L.A. from Devasar, District Anantnag was a well-known landlord,
but as per the statements of the natives of his village he continued to
lord over his huge estate as Afzal Beg in lieu of his switch over to National
Conference from Yusuf Shah's camp is said to have immunised him against
the virus of land reforms and its attendant damage by tipping him off m
advance about the dates when land would be grabbed from Hindus by an enactment.
The family of Razdans residing at Salia, District Anantnag had out
of prudence or foresight distributed the lands under their possession among
natural heirs much before loot was perpetrated on the Pandits, but Afzal
Beg with his known credentials bearing personal grudge and animosity against
the family was said to have caused the mutations cancelled albeit their
registration by competent revenue authorities under due process of law.
Mir Qasim whose
studies at Aligarh Muslim University were financed by Hindu Communists
had learnt many a lesson in communal politics in his capacity as Private
Secretary to Afzal Beg. Being vengeful and communally motivated he did
not rest content with the abolition of big landed estates, but engineered
the total erosion of the rural base of Kashmiri Pandits through the
Agrarian Reforms Act of 1972 delineating the most irrational and
unjustprovisions for compensation to the landowners thereby ending their aeons-old tryst with land which they legally owned. The categorization
of land masses accordant with a number of factors was not
scientifically carried out and despite its shoddiness did not contribute
to the fixation of reasonable prices for the said - lands. A kanal of land
categorised as the best in terms of productivity, situation, and soil chemistry
was priced at a mockingly low sum of one thousand rupees when its actual
existing market rate ranged from 5 to 10 lakhs. The other grades of land
as per their quality, location and irrigational network were priced for
a trice. The tenant as per the black Act selling the same land could
sell it at existing market rates. As stipulated in the black Act, the compensation
to be paid to the owner was fixed in proportion to the share of produce
that the owner was coerced to accept under tyrannical regimes. The compensation
for a measure of land if acquired by government in public interest was
to be paid not to the owner but to the tiller who is a Muslim. The plethora
of measures as enunciated in the black Act of 1972 were biased and communal
in intent and substance and to the knowledge of all were contrived to the
sinister end of grabbing land from Pandits for transfer to the Muslims.
As per the
provisions of the black Act, the Pandits were bereft of their share of
produce and their tillers were directed to deposit the said-share of produce
with the revenue authorities designated for the purpose who in turn would
manage the transmission of it to the owner either in cash or in kind. It
did not take Pandits much time to sense the conspiracy that was hatched
at governmental level to uproot them from their rural ambience and end
their age old love-affair with the lands that they had legally purchased.
Despite all forms of lawful protests including submission of representations
and memoranda, the Mir Qasim government with an open nexus with fundamentalist
forces sponsored by Jamaat-i-Islami proved apathetic and unresponsive and
that was how Kashmiri Pandits formed village level committees to fight
back the provisions of the black Act conceived to ethnically cleanse them.
Trilochan Dutt,
the then Revenue Minister, who had tremendous history in politics, failed
to prove smart and nifty to smell the communal tilt discernibly prominent
in the black Act and despite pleadings and plaints from the Pandits he
prevaricated on an issue that was of prime importance for them as their
fate in their natural habitat was being sealed by the very Congress government
he formed a part of. On his official visit to Hanand Chawalgam, District
Anantnag, he had to face an avalanche of fury unleashed by Kashmiri
Pandits determined to wage a do or die battle against the communal government
of Mir Qasim. Pandits in swarming numbers from the nearby and distant villages
turned up to plead with the Minister for annulment of the satanic Act as
it had driven a last nail into their coffin. To the surprise of all, a
Kashmiri Pandit granny suddenly appeared on the scene and tearing through
the thick crowds, she in all her fury slapped the Minister in his face
and weeping and wailing yelled that she had not eaten for the last four
days. In his utter consternation, sensing more trouble, the Minister beat
a retreat into the Rest House and chased by the violent mob he entered
the bath-room for refuge where he was said to have suffered the wrath of
giant sized bees and drones and the police posse standing by for the security
of the Minister maintained cool otherwise a bullet if fired would have
resulted in a blood-bath. The Minister buzzed off the scene quietly. This
was the first ever resistance that the Pandits registered against the so-called
land reforms.
The violent
incident sent shock waves into the government circles and the family of
Mir Qasim. As a result the government already in the lap of communal forces
proved stiffer than the stiff and continued with its policy of landing
the Pandits into dire straits. Sayyid Hussian, brother of Mir Qasim, propping
himself up on his cretches, yelled his lungs out to tell and exhort the
Muslims to bury the Pandits alive if they dared ask for their share of
produce. Sayyid Hussain, a non-entity, who had entered politics courtesy
Mir Qasim, was taught by a Kashmiri Pandit languishing in poverty and deprivation.
How could Mir Qasim maintain silence when his brother had already thundered
against the Pandits? He asked the native Hindus to march out of Kashmir
and 10-feet wide road was all open for them. Mir Qasim's fiat to the Pandits
was a pointer to the agenda that the ruthless Muslim bigotry in all vengeance
had framed for them through the "twenty humiliating conditions" stipulating
their total and ruthless annihilation if they dare flout any of the conditions
imposed on them in a state ruled by Muslims.
Daniel
Thorner on Land Reforms
Daniel Thorner,
a die-hard French Communist, who paid a visit to Kashmir during the period
land reforms were implemented and enacted has the following remarks:
"From 1948
to 1950 propaganda warfare between pro and anti-Pakistan elements was acute.
Faced with what looked like an imminent plebiscite on the question of possible
accession to Pakistan Sheikh Abdullah was not wholly confident of support
they could muster among the peasantry. To capture the imagination of peasants,
to take their minds off the external issue of Pakistan and redeem the National
Conference's old promises of far-reaching land reforms Sheikh Abdullah's
regime in 1950 rushed through the drastic Act."
He adds, "The
basic machinery for enforcing the Act was to be the notorious crowd of
Kashmir Revenue Department dating back to the regime of Maharaja. The machinery
was utilised because there was no other in existence and because National
Conference motivated by the special sense of urgency arising from the plebiscite
issue felt it lacked time in which to create an alternative enforcement
agency. The National Conference Government did not entrust enforcement
solely to the officers of the Revenue Department, but was associatedwith
them at the village level some of the conference's own local political
leaders. The intention was for the latter to check on the acts of the former.
In the actual process of implementation, however, the two elements cooperated
all too Bell with each other at the expense of "actual tillers"
He further
adds, "Land reforms in Kashmir has clearly done away with the Jagirs and
has weakened the position of all the great land-lords. It has distinctly
benefited those individuals who at the village level were already the more
important and substantial people. It has done the least for petty tenants
and landless labourers, these two categories being the largest in the country
side."
Taking the
wind out of the sails of publicity given to land reforms Daniel Thorner
writes, 'India's most publicised land reforms cannot be said to have succeeded
in improving the economic lot of the Kashmiri peasant. Whether the legislation
was well conceived for this purpose remains debatable."
Comments he,
"In some areas it looked as though the ordinary peasant was confronted
with a more formidable combination than he had faced under the rather ramshackle
regime of the Maharaja."
Sheikh
Abdullah Tells Loy Handerson
Dilating on
American meddling in Kashmir, D.N. Raina, an author on Kashmir, writes,
"Loy Handerson, the U.S. ambassador in India, told his Secretary of State
in a cable sent on September 29,1950 that secret diplomacy leas carried
out over the head of the Government of India on Kashmir. During Handerson's
talks with Sheikh Abdullah in Srinagar, prominent agenda was independence
for Kashmir and U.S. investment therefor. To allay apprehensions of Handerson,
Sheikh justified his measure of drastic land reforms by "calling it a tactical
move to neutralise the radical activities of communists in the National
Coference party rather than a measure of his ideological convictions.
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