Cease fire resulted in de facto partition of Jammu and Kashmir State. It
was the second partition within 16 months of the first partition of India
which had divided Punjab and Bengal on the basis of the religion of the
reasons for this impulsive decision of Pt. Nehru the timing that he chose
for or ordering cease fire was wrong, and disadvantaged India. Indian troops
had left their defensive positions and were advancing on all fronts. Given
some more time they could have cleared major part of the State of the Pak
invaders and ended the encirclement of the valley. Nehru perhaps was keen
to stop the war immediately because he had contended an international conference
at New Delhi to consider the siluation arising out of Dutch aggression
against Indonesia which had just wrested freedom from Dutch Colonial Yoke.
He wanted to establish his own bona- fides as a man of peace by ending
the war over Kashmir which had been forced on India by Pakistan. This conduct
of Nehru was in keeping with his reputation of subordinating national interests
to his personal whims and craze for international praise.
The Cease Fire
line which was finalised at a joint military conference of India and Pakistan
held at Karachi from July 18 to July 28, 1949, divided the Jammu &
Kashmir State roughly into two equal parts. Beginning from near the Siachin
Glacier in the North this line runs close to the Srinagar-Leh road near
Kargil and then runs along the great Himalayan range dividing Kashmir from
Baltistan; then turning South a little it passes near the mouth of the
Burzila pass on the Kashmir side. From there it runs along the Western
mountains dividing Kashmir from Chilas and Karen unto Uri from where it
goes South-West parallel to the river Jehlum and touches the Southern boundary
of the state near Bhimber. A major portion of Baltistan excepting Kargil,
the whole of Gilgit and a major portion of the Punjabi speaking area of
Muzaffarabad Poonch and Mirpur fell on the Pakistan side of the Cease Fire
line. The strategic Burzila pass, the only direct link between Kashmir
valley and Gilgit, also fell on the Pakistan side.
Thus out of
six distinct geographical linguistic and cultural regions of the State,
three came into the hands of Pakistan. All of them are predominently Muslim.
All Hindus including Sikhs in these parts have either been killed or driven
three - Jammu, Laddakh and Kashmir valley - lie on the Indian side of the
Cease Fire Line. Of these, Kashmir valley alone has a Muslim majority.
The remaining two are Hindu and Buddhist majority regions of the State.
Thus by proposing
the Cease fire and allowing the Pakistani forces to remain in occupation
of the Pakistan held areas of the State, the Indian Government virtually
accepted a partition of the State. The Cease Fire Agreement did not mention
the right of the State Government to administer the areas held by Pakistan
or the so-called Azad Kashmir Government. Those areas were left to be administered
by the the "Local Authorities" which practically meant the "Azad Kashmir"
Government or any other authority sponsored and supported by the Pakistan
Had the Cease
Fire been brought about after a serious consideration of the military and
political situation with a view to effecting a planned partition of the
territory involved as in the case of Korea and Indo-China, it might have
well nigh put an end to the problem of Jammu & Kashmir which never
possessed any intrinsic geographical, cultural, linguistic and religious
unity. But in this case the Cease Fire was the result of just another sudden
flash in the impulsive mind of Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru who had the rare quality
of thinking at leisure after he had acted in haste.
As a result
the Cease Fire line did not follow any set geographical topographical or
demographical pattern. Even strategic considerations, which should have
been kept in mind when drawing the line which had since become more or
less an international frontier, could not be given due attention because
the Cease Fire had been ordered at a time when the Indian army had left
its defensive positions but had not yet fully dislodged Pakistan forces
from the strategic and defensive positions which they commanded.
lt was just
the line of actual control of the armies of India and Pakistan on the first
of January 1940. Consequently while the strategic Yojila pass which links
Kashmir valley with Laddakh remained in Indian hands, Pakistan retained
the control of Burzila pass which links Kashmir Valley with Gilgit. Her
control over this pass gave her a strategic advantage. Her army could descend
into Kashmir Valley from Gilgit side in case of resumption of hostilities.
Further South, the Krishan Ganga which could have formed a natural frontier
fell from some distance entirely on the Indian side of the Cease Fire Line
before passing into the Pakistan held area. As a result, the rich timber
resources of Titwal and Karenforests cannot be fully utilized either by
Pakistan or by India. On the west, the Cease Fire Line passed near the
town of Uri, which remained in Indian hands, at a distance of about thirty
miles from Baramula, the entrance to Kashmir Valley. Again while a major
part of the erstwhile Poonch Jagir including out- skirts of Poonch town
fell on the Pakistan side, the town itself remained in Indian hands.
division of Jammu & Kashmir State between India and Pakistan diverted
for some time the attention of both India and Pakistan from the discussions
at the U.N. to the task of consolidating their position in their respective
parts. Pakistan had made valuable gains at the cost of India. But what
still remained with India was of no less importance to her. A realistic
appraisal of what Pakistan gained and what India still retained and the
subsequent internal development in the two parts of the state is an essential
pre-requisite for proper appreciation of the developments which have made
Kashmir a storm centre and a factor for new international alignments.
The gains made
by Pakistan in the first Indo-Pak war were considerable and significant-
from every point of view. Militarily, she could claim to have scored a
tactical victory over a much bigger and stronger India. At a much less
cost in men and material she was able to add to her dominions a territory
roughly equal in size to East Punjab. It was quite a rich dividend for
her unprovoked aggression. It confirmed the impression created in the minds
of her leaders by the past policy of appeasement and surrender on the part
of Indian leadership, that India could be bullied and bluffed into acquiescnece
and acceptance of any demand however unreasonable it might be if it was
backed by adequate force. This created a new confidence and psychology
of aggression in Pakistan which has marked her dealings with India on all
questions ever since.
Pakistan had made a mockery of the lawful accession of the Jammu &
Kashmir State to India by Maharaja Hari Singh and asserted her claim to
have a say in the future of that state. While she had obtained control
over nearly half of the State by foree, she had got the way cleared for
getting the rest of it, or, at least the Kashmir valley, through other
means by getting India committed to plebiscite under the supervision of
the U.N.O. Knowing the Muslim mind, as she did, she was reasonably confident
of the outcome of a plebiscite whenever it was held.
she had scored a resounding victory over India. Taking advantage of Pt.
Nehru's bunglings and indiscrete statements she had succeeded in putting
India, the aggressed and the complainant, on the defensive at the U.N.O.
and at the bar of world opinion and had won valuable friends and allies.
Having foolishly minimized and underplayed the fact of accession by the
Maharaja, which was the only real and legal claim of India to be in Jarnmu
and Kashmir, for reasons which would have made the architect of India's
Kashmir policy liable to impeachment in any other country. India was reduced
to the pitiable position in which she depended more on the good graces
of Sheikh Abdullah and votes of the Communist Bloc rather than on the unassailable
right derived from accession and the heroic defence of Kashmir by her armed
This, had the
effect of swelling Sheikh Abdullah's head on the one hand and throwing
India more and more into the lap of the Communist Bloc to the chagrin of
the Western countries, on the other. The dangerous shift that this situation
gave to India's foreign policy directly led to her virtual isolation and
the Chinese aggression in 1962 which humiliated India in the eyes of the
gains in terms of territory, human and economic resources and, above, all
achievements of important strategic objectives were immense.
The area of
the State territories now held by Pakistan comes to about 34,000 square
miles out of the total area of 84,471 square miles for the whole State.
It includes about 17,000 sq. miles of Gilgit, about 12,000 sq. miles of
Baltistan and about five thousand square miles of the Mirpur-Poonch-Muzaffarabad
Zone. The total population of this Pakistan occupied part of the State
was about 11 and a half lakhs out of a total of 40 lakhs for the whole
State according to the 1941 census. It included the population of Gilgit
which stood at 1,16,000 in that year.
population figures are not very imposing yet they were important to Pakistan.
The Poonchis, Mirpuris and Gilgit's provide fine fighting material. They
make good soldiers and seamen. In fact, military service is the main occupation
of these people. There were at that time a lakh of demobilized or ex-soldiers
in Mirpur and Poonch area. Thousands of them were employed in the Indian
navy and mercantile marine as naval ratings or stokers. Being comparatively
backward educationally and politically, they were considered to be more
amenable to army discipline. This warlike manpower has since been an asset
this manpower, Pakistan was able to achieve a major part of its objectives
in the State by the occupation of these territories. Pakistan's main contention
about the State was that being a Muslim majority unit, it should accede
to Pakistan. But the more realistic Pakistani leaders realized the difficulty
in obtaining for Pakistan the Hindu and Buddhist majority parts of the
State which are directly cantiguous to the Indian Union. They, therefore,
favored a division of the State on the same basis on which Punjab had been
partitioned. Such offers in fact were made by the Muslim Conference leaders
to the Dogra leaders of Jammu long before the troubles started there. But
the division of the State on the basis of religion was disapproved by the
Dogra people of Jammu for that would have meant loss of the Kashmir valley
to them. The Kashmiri leaders like Sheikh Abdullah were also opposed to
partition of the State on the basis of religion because that would have
led to ascendency of the Muslim Conference and the Punjabi Muslims in Kashmir
valley as well.
now virtually brought about a division of the State. Three Muslim majority
zones of the State were held by her. The only Muslim majority part of the
State that still remained out of her control was the Kashmir valley.
From the strategic
point of view she had obtained all that she could reasonably hope to get.
The first objective of Pakistan in this regard was to cut off the State
which she feared might accede to India any day from the N.W.F.P., the tribal
area and Afghanistan so that no link up of Pathan home-land with India
might be pcssible. The anxiety of Pakistan to prevent this link up was
great because of the growing demand for Pakhtoonistan and the keen interest
that was being evinced by Afghanistan in it. Though the Indian leadership
had let down the Khan brothers; Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan better known as
Frontier Gandhi, who was then in Pakistan's jails and his brother, late
Dr. Khan Sahib, who headed the Congress Ministry of N.W.F.P. at the time
of Partition-the sympathies of the Indian Public were with the Pathans
who had worked shoulder to shoulder with the Indians in their fight against
the foreign rule. A direct link between India and Pakhtoonistan and Afghanistan,
therefore, would have become a headache for Pakistan. That possibility
was removed by the 'de facto' control of Gilgit and the Krishan Ganga basin
control over Gilgit besides preventing a direct contact between India on
the one side and Afghanistan and USSR on the other, provided Pakistan with
a bargaining counter to secure the sympathy and support of the USA and
Britain for herself. Because of its strategic location, Gilgit was of vital
importance to the USA in her world wide strategy of containing international
communism. That explained the deep interest of USA and Britian in favor
of Pakistan retaining control of Gilgit and securing control over Kashmir
valley, which also could serve as a major supply base for the advance bases
in Gilgit. For the same reasons, the USSR was determined to prevent Kashmir
valley passing into Pakistan's hands. Her support to India over Kashmir
in the Security Council had been actuated more by her self interest than
by sympathy for the Indian point of view.
Gilgit and Baltistan also brought Pakistan in direct touch with SirLkiang
province of the expanding Communist Chinese empire. Communist China became
interested in securing control over Laddakh after her forcible occupation
of Tibet. This has since created a com munity of interests between Pakistan
and China in the dismemberment of Jammu and Kashmir State in such a way
as may give Laddakh to China and Kashmir Valley to Pakistan. That explains
the Communist Chinese attitude to the Kashmir questions ever since its
inception and hobnobbing between her and Pakistan. Thus strategically the
territories acquired by Pakistan have proved to be of immense importance
From the economic
point of view too these territories have proved to be of great importance
to Pakistan. The Mangala headwork of the Upper Jehlum canal, which irrigates
a large part of the West Punjab, lies near Mirpur. It flows for about 20
miles within the State territory before entering West Punjab. The economic
life of a good portion of West Punjab could be strangulated by the destruction
of these headworks. Even a breach in the right bank of the canal which
flows parallel to the river could render the canal useless to Pakistan.
Now, the headworks and the area through which the canal flows came under
the direct control of Pakistan. Therefore, the real or imaginary fear of
Pakistan about economic strangulation by India was removed.
importance of Mangala, a name derived from goddess Mangala whose temple
stands on the top of a cliff surmounted by a fort, has since been further
enhanced by a high altitude dam on the Jehlam built with US help. It has
become the greatest single power-cum- irrigation project in Pakistan.
Mangala Project on the Jehlum, the waters of the Krishan Ganga and the
Poonch rivers, the major tributaries of the Jehlum flowing through Jammu
and Kashmir State, can also be harnessed for producing hydro-electric power
at a number of sites.
these territories brought Pakistan in possession of rich sources of timber
as well as means of bringing it to the plains. All the rich fresh wealth
of Kashmir and Karen is carried to the plains by the Jehlum. This was an
important gain in view of the fact that Pakistan has few forests of good
timber. The control of these forest areas has assured Pakistan of a regular
supply of raw material for her Rosin Factory at Jallo near Lahore, and
of other kinds of forest produce. Pakistan, in fact, obtained almost a
monopoly of "Kuth", a fragrant medicinal herb, which grows in the forests
of Karen and Chilas.
As far as minerals
are concerned, little is known so far about this area. But a geological
survey is bound to reveal the rich mineral potentialities of these thirty
four thousand square miles of mountainous territory. The surveys so far
made have revealed the existence of mineral oils in the Poonch area. Lime
stone suitable for cernent and different types of valuable clays are also
kncwn to exist in abundance in these parts.
of Pakistan have proved to be sure and permanent. The people of the occupied
areas, who have close linguistic social and cultural ties with the people
of the adjoining districts of West Pakistan, have been fully indoctrinated
with Pakistan's ideology. They are, therefore, sure to stand by Pakistan
in peace or war. The question of plebiscite which has since lost all relevance
to the situation has, therefore, never been a headache for Pakistan.
military build up in these areas with the help of warlike and well-trained
local population coupled with favorable geographical factors has made the
possibility of the reconquest of these areas by India very remote. No local
action confined to Jammu and Kashmir State can possibly succeed in dislodging
Pakistan from Gilgit which she had since linked with Peshawar by a motorable
road. Control of Burzila Pass by Pakistan has made the task of the Indian
army in this respect doubly difficult.
not at all bothered by U.N. reactions. She had, in fact, from the beginning
used that forum to malign India with total impunity. The fact that she
had violated the U.N. Charter by crossing into the territories of Jammu
and Kashmir State did not in any way compromise her position at the U.N.
She was not bothered about her weak legal position or world opinion, so
long as she was in firm possession of the territories concerned. As later
events have proved, world opinion or legal quibblings matter only for the
weak. The strong who can present the world with a 'fait accompli' can get
away with it unless the victim of aggression can mobilise a bigger strength
to undo the wrong.
she went ahead with consolidating these gains untrammeled by any extraneous
considerations or inhibitions. She established her direct control over
the northern strategic areas of Gilgit and Baltistan which has since continued
to be centrally administered units of Pakistan. In the Western districts
of Mirpur-Poonch and Muzaffarabad she had already set up a puppet regime
for the purpose of tactical maneuverability at the U.N. She gave this area
the name of "Azad" (Independent) Kashmir even though it had nothing to
do with the Kashmir region of the state which is cut off from the rest
of the State by high Himalayan ranges. She has been systematically Islamising
these areas and erasing their Hindu part. For example the name Krishan
Ganga river has been changed to "Neel Darya." She has raised many fully
trained and equipped new battalions from among the local people which constitute
the real striking force of Pakistan in the State.
acquired and consolidated her position in three out of the four Muslim
majority regions of the State, Pakistan began to prepare for the control
of the rest of the State. The cessation of hostilities and restoration
of normal conditions in the valley enabled her to start a propaganda offensive
inside the valley through her numerous agents in the State administration
and the Mullah class to rouse communal feelings in the people there.
The state of
affairs in the India-held part of the State, in spite of the sound legal
and constitutional position of the Government of India, has been just the
opposite. The developments there and the policy of the Government of India
regarding them have further compromised and weakened the position of India
both internally and externally.
the gains of aggression to Pakistan were valuable and important, the territory
still left with India was of much greater extent, value and importance.
It included Kashmir Valley and parts of Uri and Titwal sub- divisions of
Muzzafarabad district in Kashmir province, four eastern districts comprising
the Dugar region of Jammu province together with the town of Poonch and
some neighboring territory along the Cease Fire Line which belonged to
the Punjabi speaking Western Zone, most of which had been occupied by Pakistan,
and the whole of Laddakh and Kargil area lying between Laddakh and Baltistan
proper across the Yojila Pass.
The total area
of this territory was about 50,000 sq. miles including about 33000 sq.
miles of Laddakh, about 12000 sq. miles of Jammu, about 3000 sq. miles
of Kashmir Valley and about 2000 sq. miles of Uri and Tithwal area.
From the population
point of view the Kashmir Valley with its 30 lakh population of which about
27 lakhs are Muslims is the most populous. Next comes Jammu with a population
of about 30 lakhs of which about 20 lakhs are Hindus. The Muslim population
of Jammu region is mainly concentrated on the West along the Cease Fire
Line. Laddakh with a population of about two lakhs of which Buddhists form
a large majority is the most sparsely populated.
Jammu and Laddakh
being directly contiguous to each other as also to East Punjab and Himachal
Pradesh form a compact bloc of about 45,000 sq. miles with a predominantly
Hindu or Buddhist population. Kashmir valley and the adjoining areas of
Uri and Tithwal form the only compact Muslim majority area on the Indian
side of the Cease Fire Line.
though not comparable to Gilgit because of its being the meeting ground
of international frontiers of Afghanistan, USSR, Communist China and India,
the territory held by India is yet of immense importance to her. Being
the only link between India and the rest of the State including Kashmir
Valley, the Jammu region has the greatest strategic importance for India.
Its warlike Dogra population and hilly terrain make it an ideal frontier
area separating Indian Punjab from North Western parts of Pakistan and
Pakistan held territories of the State.
Baltistan having been lost to Pakistan, Laddakh rernained the only window
in Indian hands opening into Central Asia. Though the town of Leh had ceased
to be the nerve centre of central Asian trade since the ineorporation of
the central Asian Khanates by USSR and China, yet its importance as a political
and military outpost cannot be minimised. The strategic importance of this
area for India has since been enhanced manifold by the Communist Chinese
occupation of Tibet.
importance of Kashmir which is essentially a place of natural beauty lies
in its being a vast stretch of plain land surrounded by the high Himalayan
ranges which make it an ideal supply and air base for the defense of India's
potentiality of this territory is much greater. The magnificiant fir and
deodar forests of the Jammu region whose valuable timber flows down the
Chenab to Akhnoor near Jammu are among the best of their kind in the Himalayas.
Saffron is produced in Kashmir Valley and Kishtwar in Jammu. This area
also abounds in rare medicinal herbs and other kinds of forest produce.
Silk and wool of high quality are also produced in large quantities and
processed in the wool and silk factories at Srinagar and Jammu.
The Jammu region,
particularly its Reasi area, is very rich in minerals. Large deposits of
coal of good quality, bauxite, iron ore and copper and many other minerals
have been found in this area. There are rich sapphire mines at Padar near
Kishtwar. Lime stone and other clays suitable for cement and ceramics are
found in large quantities in the Kandi areas. Laddakh too is known to be
rich in minerals though exact assessment must await a detailed geological
survey of the area.
power can be generated to exploit this rich mineral wealth by harnessing
the waters of the Chenab and the Ravi and their numerous tributaries. In
fact the scope for generating power is immense in the Jammu region. The
Salal Scheme on the Chenab near Reasi which had long been under consideration
of the the Government of Punjab and Kashmir before partition and the first
phase of which has recently been completed by the Government of India can
produce enough power to transform the economy of the entire area.
potential of the Kashmir Valley as a tourist resort and as hcme of deft
artisans whose handicraft have a world wide market is equally great. Jammu
region also abounds in places like Sannasar and Bhadarwah which can be
developed into great tourist centers.
all the famous shrines and places of pilgrimage like the holy caves of Shri, Amar Nath and Vaishno
Devi, the holy springs of Mattan and Khir Bhawani
and great temples of Shankracharya and Martand which provide a base for
the emotional attachment of the people of India with the Jammu Kashmir
State remain in Indian hands.
and realism demanded that India, while maintaining its legal claim over
the whole state, took steps to consolidate her position in these territories.
handling of the Kashmir issue in its internal aspect has been as unrealistic
as that of its external aspect in relation to Pakistan and U.N.O. The story
of India's bungling in this respect makes a sickening reading from the
in an earlier chapter, one major reason for Maharaja Hari Singh's hesitation
in acceding to India was his fear about Nehru's insistence to hand over
power to Sheikh Abdullah whose bonafides and motives were thoroughly suspect
in his eyes. But the circumstances which forced him to request the Government
of India to accept his state's accession left him with no choice but to
obey the dictates of the Government of India in this respect. He had to
hand over full powers to Sheikh Abdullah and his National Conferences as
a pre-condition for the acceptance of his State's accession so that Indian
troops could be flown to Srinagar to save it and the rest of the Kashmir
Valley from going the Baramula way. Sheikh Abdullah became the Chief Emergency
Officer to start with and then Prime Minister of the entire State and not
of the Kashmir Valley alone.
This was a
great blunder and a grave injustice to the people of Jammu and Laddakh.
National Conference in its genesis and growth had remained a purely Kashmiri
Organization which depended for its following mainly on anti-Hindu, anti-Dogra
and anti-Maharaja feeling which it had steadily built up since 1930. It
had no adherents in Jammu except a small communist cell. The Quit Kashmir
movement as discussed earlier was mainly aimed against the people of Jammu.
That movement had made it absolutely clear that Sheikh Abdullah was interested
in securing control over Kashmir Valley alone and was not in the least
interested in other parts of the State. He never aspired nor expected to
be put in charge of the Government of the whole State.
He, in fact,
was reluctant to come to Jammu and had to be persuaded to come there by
Pt. Prem Nath Dogra and other dignitaries of Jammu many days after he had
taken charge of the Government of Srinagar. The proper course, therefore,
would have been to entrust him with power in Kashmir Valley and give charge
of Jammu and Laddakh to popular representatives from these regions.
To make things
worse the Government of India began to treat him as a 'de facto' Sultan
of the whole state from the very beginning. Instead of having a tight central
control over his administration because of the State being a theater of
war, the Indian Prime Minister Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, decided to give him
such a long rope as would have prompted even a better man and a patriot
to hang himself with it. As stated earlier, the Agent General to the Government
of India, Kanwar Dalip Singh, who was supposed to watch the interests of
India and guide Sheikh Abdullah accordingly was quick to notice the dangerously
independent and even anti-Indian attitude of Sheikh Abdullah. He warned
the Government of India to exercise a check over him. But instead of heeding
his advice he was asked to be guided by Sh. Abdullah. He resigned in disgust.
never had any need for Indian guidance. He had enough communists around
him to guide him toward "Independent Kashmir" which suited their overall
strategy for a communist revolution in India. With the appointment of Sheikh
Abdullah as Chief Emergency Officer for the whole State pending the formation
of a regular Government thev became the real masters of Kashmir for some
time at least. They took charge of all available military stores, commandeered
private arms and organized a militia of which such well known Communist
leaders as Rajbans Krishan and Ch. Sher Jung become Brigadier and Colonel
Commandant respectively. They named the Pratap square of Srinagar as Lal Chowk- red square- and filled all the key administration posts with their
own nominees. With the departure of Sh. Abdullah for New York as a member
of the Indian Delegation to the U.N.O. Mr. G. M. Sadiq, a fellow traveller,
became the virtual head of the Government in Kashmir which further gave
a free hand to communists.
It was the
time when Communist terrorism miscalled revolution was in full swing in
Telengana. To avoid arrest many leading communists had come to Kashmir.
Most prominent among them was B.P.L. Bedi, who became a close confidant
of Sh. Abdullah. He was reported to have said in 1948 that 'with Soviet
Russia at our back we can turn Kashmir into an arsenal for revolutionary
movements in India and Pakistan'.
This com munist
strategy demanded that Sh. Abdullah must repudiate authority of India and
work for an independent Kashmir. Even otherwise Sh. Abdullah was inclined
to take this line because that suited his ambition to become the sultan
As a result Sh. Abdullah began to display, from the very beginning, an arrogant disregard
for India and stress his own role in the revolutionary changes that had
brought him into power.
and policies of Sh. Abdullah created a scare in Jammu whose people wanted
accession of the State to India to be a real fact rather than a farce.
The anti-Dogra tirades of Sh. Abdullah and the repressive and discriminatory
policies of his Government coupled with reckless enforcement of the New
Kashmir Plan created a lot of discontent against his administration in
Jammu within a few months of the transfer of power to his hands. The arrest
of Pt. Prem Nath Dogra and other Praja Parishad leaders further aggravated
in Laddakh was no less. The Buddhists there found the new regime not only
repressive but also communal in its outlook and approach. As a result,
the feeling began to grow in Jammu and Laddakh that they must be freed
from the oppressive rule of Sh. Abdullah and his communist agents even
if it meant their separation from Kashmir Valley.
Such a situation
was not very conducive to the furtherance of the stand that India had taken
regarding a popular backing to the accession of the State as a whole to
India. The U.N. circles with their already marked pro-Pakistan sympathies
could not fail to take notice of this internal situation on the Indian
side of the Cease Fire Line. This was reflected in the report af Sir Owen
Dixon and subsequent discussions in the Security Council.