Back to Square
agreement almost brought the Kashmir question to where it stood in 1949.
All the gains of the war had been lost. Realism, therefore, demanded that
steps were taken to end the uncertainty in regards to the parts of the
State under Indian control by fully integrating it with the rest of India.
This demanded abrogation of the temporary Article 370 of the Constitution,
scrapping of separate Constitution for the state and extension of the Indian
Constitution and law of citizenship to it. Situation was favorable for
taking these steps. Defeat and dismemberment of Pakistan had demoralized
the protagonists of Pakistan in the valley. They were in a mood to accept
the finality of the accession of the State to India and reconcile themselves
to the political realities.
who was cooling his heels in detention at Delhi, had also learned the lesson
of the war of 1971. He had realized that he could no longer bank on Pakistan
for estahlishment of an independent Islamic Sheikhdom in Kashmir.
Had Mrs. Gandhi
shown vision and realism she could have awaited the opportunity and taken
steps to fully integrate the India held part of the state with the rest
of India with an open mind and clear conscience.
But that was
not to be. Mrs. Gandhi was conscious of the desire of her father, Pt. Nehru,
to make peace with Sh. Abdullah more or less on the latter's terms and
the efforts that he made in that direction just before his death.
Some of her
Kashmir advisors, particularly Mir Kasim, the Congress Chief Minister of
the state, were really Abdullah's men. They began to goad her to settle
with Abdullah because of their behind the scenes effort. Abdullah, when
he was still under detention, called on Mrs. Gandhi. As a result of what
transpired between them, he was released and parleys for a new political
settlement between Abdullah and government of India began. They were carried
on by G. Parthsarathy on behalf of Mrs. Gandhi and Mirza Afzal Beg on behalf
of Sh. Abdullah for about two years.
reports about these parleys and terms of agreement under which Abdullah
was to be inducted into office once again, I wrote to Mrs. Gandhi warning
her about the dangers of his contemplated move. I gave her my frank assessment
of Sh. Abdullah and reminded her that leopards do not change their spots.
She replied that she was taking a "calculated risk."
announced in the Parliament on February 24, 1975, that a settlement had
been made with Sh. Abdullah under which he would be installed as Chief
Minister of the state and relationship between Jammu and Kashmir and the
Union Government would be guided by the six point conclusions of the protracted
talks between Parthsarathi and Afzal Beg. Parliament was also informed
that Sh. Abdullah wanted the 1953 position to be restored. Even though
this request was not granted, many concessions were made, including the
power to review some of the Central laws extended to the states after 1953.
languages of the accord, the very fact that Sh. Abdullah was being put
back in power even though he had not a single member in the state legislature
sent wrong signals to the people of Kashmir. There was a general feeling
that hands of the clock had been put back and things had returned to square
one after 22 years during which Pakistan had forced two wars on India to
grab Kashmir and Indian people and armed forces had made huge sacrifices
to foil her plans.
sworn in as Chief Minister on February 25, 1975. It was only a formality.
He had in fact been Qcting as de facto chief Minister since his return
to Kashmir. Mir Kasim had been carrying on as de-jure Chief Minister under
his guidance. Mrs. Gandhi was either blissfully ignorant about this reality
or was winking over it out of expediency.
which had absolute majority in the state Assembly extended its full support
to Sh. Abdllllah. Mrs. Gandhi expected Sh. Abdullah to reciprocate this
gesture by joining the Congress. But Sh. Abdullah, refused to oblige her.
He revived National Conference in the teeth of opposition of Mrs. Gandhi
and was elected its President. Rank and file of plebiscite Front joined
it en block. As a result National Conference returned on the Kashmir scene
as a dominant political force with a bang. He then invited Congress legislators
to join National Conference.
He began to
put loyalists committed to him and his ideas about Semi-independent Kashmir
at key posts and discontinued the practice of appointing nominees of the
center to the posts of Chief Secretary and Inspector General of Police.
upset Mrs. Gandhi and created a stir in her Party. Declaration of internal
Emergency on June 25 and arrest of all opposition leaders including J.P. Narain, added another dimension to the growing tension and distrust between
Sh. Abdullah and his National Conference on the one side and Mrs. Gandhi
and her Congress Party on the other. Sh. Abdullah refused to arrest opposition
leaders in the State and enforce censorship on the press.
to a head after Janta Party victory in the general election of 1977. Congress
Party withdrew its support to Sh. Abdullah and staked its claim to form
a new Government in the state. But Sh. Abdullah proved too smart for the
Congress. Taking advantage of a provision in the state constitution, he
as Chief Minister recommended dissolution of the State Assembly. The Governor,
L.K. Jha, had to comply.
contested the fresh election held in July 1977, under its own banner.
There was a
triangular contest between National Conference, Janata Party to which many
Congress men and disgruntled National Conference men had drifted and the
Congress. Even though Sh. Abdullah suffered a heart-stroke on the eve of
election and could not campaign actively, his party swept the polls in
Kashmir valley and won some seats in Jammu as well. He thus rode back to
power in his own right as National Conference Chief Minister of the State
with a strength of fifty members in a house of seventy five.
This was the
crowning glory for Sh. Abdullah. It proved that his sway over the hearts
and minds of Kashmiri Muslims had not been affected by the developments
since 1953. It was a big personal blow for Mrs. Gandhi.
bitten twice in 1953 and 1977 by his patrons in New Delhi, Sh. Abdullah
now moved cautiously. He did not want to go on his travels again particularly
in view of his growing years and failing health. He utilized this last
spell of power, mainly for two things.
He tried to
cut down the dependence of Kashmir on the center as far as possible. He
asserted his right to have Chief Secretary and Inspector General of Police
of his own choice instead of accepting the nominees of the center for these
key posts. He dispensed with the central food subsidy which ensured supply
of wheat, rice and sugar to citizens of the State at cheaper rates as compared
to the rest of India. The process of Islamization of the state which he
had begun, as soon as he came to power in 1947, which was continued more
or less by his successors, was now accelerated. His distrust for Kashmiri
Pandits also grew. He began to look upon them as fifth column of New Delhi
who could desert him again in any new confrontation with the center.
wanted to create proper condition for ensuring a smooth dynastic succession
of his eldest son Dr. Farooq Abdulla to his 'gaddi' after his death. He
soon realized that Mrs. Gandhi who returned to power at New Delhi in 1980
could be more helpful to him for achieving this objective because she also
was interested in dynastic succession at New Delhi.
created by Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan in 1979 also proved
helpful to him. Rulers of Pakistan became absorbed in backing the Afghan
insurgents against the Soviet backed new Afghan regime with direct and
indirect support of USA. As a result Pak interest in Kashmir got somewhat
diluted for the time being.
coup in Pakistan which brought General Ziaul Haq to power in the place
of Z.A. Bhutto who was later arrested and executed had a sobering effect
on Abdullah. He realized that only a democratic India could put up with
all his pranks bordering on sedition for over twenty years and put him
back. He therefore adopted a new strategy which had two planks. The first
was to build up his own strength internally. He considered the growing
Islamic consciousness and self-assertion in the Kashmir youth as an asset.
He began to encourage it. The second was to keep Mrs. Gandhi in good humor
so that she should lend her active support for his ?lan to ensure succession
of Farooq Abdullah. This support had become vital for him because of opposition
of a section of his party led by his own son-in-law G.M. Shah, who aspired
to succeed him. Shah was senior to Farooq Abdullah in age and experience.
He had been closely associated with Sh. Abdullah's struggles and was a
senior member of his cabinet. He had a sizable support in National Conference
Legislative party. Farooq Abdullah on the other hand was an upstart. He
had spent long years in U.K. where he had married an English woman, taken
up British citizenship and was closely associated with Jammu and Kashmir
Liberation front (J.K.L.F.) a seccessionist organisation which some Kashmiris
settled in U.K. had set up with active support of Pakistan. Abdullah got
Farooq elected President of National Conference in 1981. It was a clear
signal to G.M. Shah and his supporters. Shah resigned from the cabinet
and began to organize his forces. He banked on pro-Pak elements in the
ruling party and the general Public.
died on September 8, 1982. Pro-Pak elements had planned to bury him in
Pakistan's flag. They had mobilized their support in the whole valley who
thronged to Srinagar. But the situation was saved. News of Abdullah's death
was suppressed until Farooq Abdullah was given the oath of office as Chief
Minister. It was a hush hush affair. At the same time the army was alerted
to thwart the plan to bury Abdullah draped in a Pakistani flag. Mrs. Gandhi
herself moved to Srinagar and supervised the whole operation.
Death of Sh.
Abdullah, who had become a legend in his lifetime, marked the end of an
era in Kashmir. He had been dominating the Kashmir stage like a colossus
since 1931 when he began his political career as founder President of Muslim
conference under the patronage of the British. He then set his heqrt to
gaining power in Kashmir and pursued this aim with single minded devotion
until his death. He changed his patrons, postures and tactics to suit the
needs of the changing situation but never deflected from his objectives.
That was his real strength. All his life he remained Muslim first, Kashmir
next, andIndian when convenience demanded it. He embodied Islamic consciousness
and Kashmiriat of his people.
was a controversial man as any effective leader has to be. Controversy
about the political line and public postures of a politician who does not
follow the dotted line is natural. It is unavoidable. Therefore to be controversial
is not a handicap but an asset for a political leader ~ith a mind and base
of his own.
his voluminous autobiography in Urdu published after his death, presents
him as he wanted to be known to posterity. It has revealed his real self
as "India wins Freedom" the autobiography of Maulana Azad, revealed the Maulana. Like Maulana
Azad, who is the only Indian leader besides Gandhi
for whom he has shown some admiration and regard. Sh. Abdullah was a self
centered and a self righteous man who considered himself to be a paragon
of all virtues and true embodiment of Islamic ethos. That brings him out
as an Islamic fundamentalist. His command over Koran which he could recite
in a melodious tone was his greatest asset in keeping his Muslim flock
with him. He invariably began his speech with recitation from Koran and
punctuated them with recitation of "Kalma" at regular intervals. He thus
combined the role of a religious leader, Imam, and a political leader, Khalifa, and mixed up his politics with Islam from the very beginning.
Restitution to Muslims of some mosques like the "Pather Masjid" which is
made entirely of the material of demolished temples, was the first major
achievement of his political career. He made that Mosque in which performance
of Namaz was taboo, because every pillar and stone of it smacked of idol
worship. The head quarter of Muslim Conference, later converted into National
Conference, and was given the name "Mujahid Manzil" the abode of fighters
for Islam. Hazrat-Bal, another Muslim Shrine on the bank of the Dal lake
was his main center for interaction with his followers. He built the first
Arabic style mosque in Kashmir with a minaret in its compound.
fundamentalist mind and communal outlook is evident from the fact that
he has not written a word in condemnation of the killing of Kashmiri Pandits
and dishonoring of their women by his followers in the first communal riot
at Srinagar in 1931. All through his biography with one single exception,
he has referred to Anant Nag, the district headquarter of the southern
part of the valley, as Islamabad.
He is vociferous
in his condemnation of the killings of Muslims in Jammu, particularly the
few Kashmiri Tonga drivers, but has not said a word against killing of
tens of thousands of innocent Hindus in Mujaffarabad, Muzaffarabad, Mirpur,
Kotli, Bhimber, Rajauri and other areas that were over run by Pak invaders
with the help of local Muslims. He had used choicest invectives against RSS, Praja Parishad and Bhartiya Jan Sangh forgetting that RSS workers
bore the brunt of Pak agents and soldiers when he had fled from the valley
and his followers were vying with one another in welcoming Pak "Mujahids."
It is an irony
of fate and travesty of facts that the people who really worked and died
for defense and integration of Jammu and Kashmir State with India are projected
by him and his apologists as communalist and anti-National while those
who first sided with Pak invaders and then worked for undermining the accession
of the state to India and have continued to harp upon right of self determination
ever since, are projected as nationalists and secularists by him.
In fact his
understanding of the concept of secularism was even more distorted than
that of Pt. Nehru. As a devout Muslim who considered Koran to be the last
word of Allah, he could not be secular because Islam does not accept relevance
of any form of worship other than the Islamic form and prohibits co-existence
with non- believers, the Kafirs, in peace on equal terms. That explains
why he did not persuade Hindu and Sikh refugees from even Pak occupied
areas of the state to settle in Kashmir valley. He pushed them toward Jammu.
He persistently refused to give citizenship right to over fifty thousand
Hindu Sikh refugees from Pakistan who have settled in Jammu since 1947.
He did permit
Kashmir Pandits to stay on in Kashmir. There were reasons for it. He himself
was a scion of a Kashmir Pandit family. His great grandfather had been
converted to Islam. Like Dr. lqbal, who was his hero, he too, took pride
in his Brahmin ancestry. But just as Iqbal used his inherited intelligence
for the service of Islam and propounded the idea of Pakistan long before
Rehmat Ali and Jinnah took it up, Abdullah used his intelligence to Islamize
the administrative structure as no other Muslim ruler of Kashmir had done
Islam sat lightly
on Kashmir Muslims ever since they were forcibly converted in the 14th
Century. They were Muslims but their psyche had continued to be pagan,
Kashmiri language, customs, traditions and Saints like Lall Did and Nand
Rishi bound him to their Hindu heritage and Hindu kinsmen. Abdullah Islamized
their psyche with the help of Aligarh trained bureaucracy, Jamate-lslamic
and Arabized Urdu. He talked of Kashmir's distinct identity to justify
his demand for special status to Kashmir. But he took pains to side line
Kashmiri language which has a rich literature and is recognized as one
of the national languages of India in the 8th schedule of Indian constitution.
He did so consciously. Kashmiri language is derived from Sanskrit and links
Kashmiris and other cultures with their Vedic Hindu past and Hindu compatriots.
He wanted to cut this link. That is why he implosed Urdu as the state language
to the exclusion of Kashmiri. With its Persian script and vocabulary drawn
from Turkish, Arabic and Persian, Urdu which itself is a Turkish word,
meaning "Laskar" or army has been one of the most important nedia of Muslim
separatism. Muslim League made full use of it for partitioning India and
rulers of Pakistan have been using it to estahlish a distinct Islamic identity
of Pakistan. This one fact is enough to understand the mind and motivation
of Sh. Abdullah.
why he suffered Kashmiri Pandits, was their utility for projecting himself
and his followers as secular and for creating confidence in the minds of
his Kashmiri patrons at New Delhi. But his experience of 1953 and 1977
created distrust for them in his mind. He came to believe that self-interest
and cultural roots would drag them toward India and that they could become
a hindrance in the way of realization of his dream of an independent Kashmir.
This is evident from the advice he has given to Kashmiri Pandits in the
last chapter of his autobiography which is devoted entirely to Kashmiri Pandits. He has urged upon them to "give up the role of spies and fifth
columns of Delhi that they have been playing for years." No wonder that
Kashmiri Hindus have been forced out of the valley so soon after his death.
He had developed a love hate attitude toward Nehru dynasty. This is evident
from his references to and assessment of Pt. Nehru, and Mrs. Gandhi all
through his autobiography. He had no love lost for Sardar Patel but he
his firmness and administrative capability. As a realist he might have
behaved differently if Sardar Patel had been allowed to handle him and
Jammu Kashmir State.
He had some
soft corner for J. P. Narain. But it evaporated when J. P. debunked him
for harping upon self-determination in a public meeting during J. P.'s
only visit to the valley in the early seventies.
He mixed up
Kashmir valley with whole of Jammu and Kashmir state whenever it suited
him. But he remained rooted in Kashmir valley. He loved Kashmir and served
it to the best of his capacity all his life. Kashmiri Mluslims reciprocated
his love. But toward the end of his life, there was growing feeling among
educated and politically conscious Kashmiris that he had amassed huge wealth
and property and that basically he was for himself and his family and that
but for his self-interest which pushed him toward India time and again,
Kashmir might have become a part of Pakistan which has had a special emotional
pull for most Kashmiri Muslims since the partition of India in 1947. That
perhaps explains the wrath of Pak trained and inspired terrorists toward
him. His "Mazar" has now to be guarded day and night by Indian security
forces to prevent its destruction or defilement at the hands of Pro-Pak
So long as
Abdullah lived he remained some kind of an enigma to his followers and
critics alike. He was adept in speaking differently at different places.
For Kashmir Muslims he was "Baba-i-quam" - father of the nation. He kept
his hold on them till the last. Most of them thought that he would bring
them independence. He did not want the valley to come under the grip of
Pakistan. But his harangue about self determination for the people of Kashmir
suited the rulers of Pakistan who rightly believed that Kashmir has to
be part of India or Pakistan and that independence is not a feasible alternative.
Sh. Abdullah shared this assessment of Pak rulers. That is why he preferred
some link with India till he was able to secure full independence.
He wanted Kashmir
to be an Islamic Sheikhdom and took planned steps to Islamize it. He wanted
to Islamize Laddakh and Jammu region as well. That was the real reason
for his insistence on Article 370 and separate law of citizenship for the
state. He used Muslim majority of Kashmir as an effective lever to influence
the policies of the government of India in favor of Muslims in the name
Even though Sh. Abdullah failed to realize his dreams of independent Kashmir in his
life time, he left behind an administrative apparatus and a successor committed
to realization of his dream. The developments in Kashmir since his death
which have made it a theater of war against India by proxy are a direct
legacy. He prepared the ground for it during his seven year rule of Kashmir
from 1975 to 1982.