Chapter 5: The Chaks
With the murder of Malik Shams Chak, the clan of Chaks
fell on evil days and suffered a decline. Their disintegration touched such a
low ebb that Malik Kaji Chak, Seh Chak and Serang (Sarhang ?) Chak were forced
to join the service of 'Ali Raina, son of Malik Musa Raina. For some time they
served as his footmen.
[ verses ]
When Malik Musa Raina planned to despatch his son Malik
'Ali to Tibet at the head of a contingent, equipment for the expedition was
provided by soldiers who had the ability to pay. The Chaks were so poor that
they could not pay for the required equipment for these troops; they came to Mir
Shamsu'd-Din to request him for financial assistance. They had also brought
along with them Serang (Sarhang ?) Chak, the son of Malik Shams Chak, thinking
that he would grant them their request because of him. When they came to Mir
Shams 'Iraqi in a group of about five or six persons, they did not expect to get
more than a gold coin each which, they had thought, would suffice them for
paving the Tibetbound troops.
Kaji Chak patronized
Mir Shamsu'd-Din 'Iraqi granted them assistance in kind
to the tune of a hundred traks  of rice and fifty traks of flour and two
lakhs of pool (money) in cash. He affectionately asked that Malik Kaji Chak, the
prince with a clipped ear, be brought to his presence.  Malik Kaji Chak had
suffered a clipped ear in the course of Malik Shams Chak's nightassault in the
battle of Sopor. Mir Shams called Kaji Chak to his presence and told him that
the Omnipotent would give unto his command the government of that country; that
he should adopt the path of justice and keep in mind the welfare of his people.
He was also told to give his full attention to the propagation of Islam. 
Kaji Chak feared that these words might be carried to
Malik Musa Raina. In confusion, he bowed his head before Mir Shams in reverence,
and told him: "I take an oath upon my honour that I shall strictly abide by
your dictates. Should God Almighty choose me to wield authority, I shall neither
deviate from your directive nor disregard your wishes. " Thereupon, Mir
Shams 'Iraqi lifted his big turban from his head and put it on the head of Kaji
Chak, telling him that he had bestowed upon him the crown of power and
government which would soon be his.
After some time, the offspring of Ibrahim Magray, whom
wealth and influence had made so strong that they aspired to gain control over
the government of that land, aligned themselves with some chiefs of that time,
and, with the concurrence of Fath Shah, planned to destroy Malik Musa Raina. In
A.H. 916 (A.D. 1510), corresponding to 89th year of Kashmiri calendar, they
destroyed the bridges over the river in the city and began fighting and killing
in the vicinity of the royal quarters (Daru'l-Amareh). Malik Musa Raina took
position at Zaldagar, but finding that his friends and associates had completely
gone back over their old promises and commitments, and had become openly hostile
and taken to perfidy, he thought it advisable to flee and therefore abandoned
the battlefield after a couple of days.
Malik Uthman, Dati Malik and some members of the group
of Dangars, who had hitherto remained scattered over the Indian mountains, were
taken into confidence by the Magrays by establishing communication and rapport
with them. They marched on to Kashmir and arrived at Hirpur. In view of this,
Malik Musa Raina thought it inadvisable to flee via Hirpur. The other routes
were either via Tserehhar or Shamaz [sic]. But by preordination, fate and divine
decree, he fell from a horse during this flight and joined the ever-lasting
The ministry and authority [of this land] passed into
the hands of Ibrahim Magray, but this did not last beyond forty days. Shortly
after, the group of Dangars whose assistance they (Magrays) had sought in
winning this victory, overpowered them and took quick steps to install
themselves in power and in a position of command. They succeeded in winning over
most of the sirdars and rose against Malik Ibrahim Magray, who was, ultimately,
overpowered and destroyed. They declared their authority over this land and the
ministry passed into the hands of Malik Uthman. They decided to imprison some of
the chiefs of those times in order to consolidate their authority and
leadership. Two months later, Malik Kaji Chak, Jehangir Padar, and Gaday Malik
joined hands with Fath Shah. In the court chamber (Daru'l-Amarah), Dati Malik
and Ghazi Khan, who were dispensing justice, were murdered with dagger and knife
[knives]. At that moment Malik Uthman was in the company of Fath Shah in his
private apartment; he was detained and put in chains.
Fath Shah returns
Malik Jehangir Padar [now] declared his authority over
the land. A month later, Malik Ibrahim raised a body of crack soldiers, equipped
with effective weapons, and headed towards Kashmir. Some of the contemporary
chiefs joined him. Because of this Malik Jahangir Padar and Fath Shah thought it
advisable to leave the country. When they had reached Hirpur, Ibrahim Magray
despatched somebody to bring back Fath Shah; Jahangir Pader and the other
members of the party of Chaks continued their onward march to India.
Ibrahim Magray installed Fath Shah on the throne. Malik
Kaji [Sic] Uthman was released from prison and he joined the Magrays. For the
second time the office of the Chief Vizir passed into the hands of Malik Ibrahim
Magray. At that time news was brought to Fath Shah from Nowshehr in India that
Muhammad Shah had left his troops behind and had proceeded towards Maldayal
[sic] mountains. He also learnt that, except Ibrahlm Khan, whose mention has
already been made, there was none close at hand with their families and
relatives. This news intensified Fath Shah's hatred for that house; he hastened
to arrange a strong force and ordered it to march towards those lands forthwith.
Fath Shah repulsed
The family members and close relatives of Muhammad Shah
learnt of the movement of the troops [of Fath Shah], but they found no
possibility of escaping from that place. Sayyid Ibrahim Khan unsheathed his
sword and set out to meet Fath Shah. A fierce encounter took place at the
village of Ghazi Kot. The brave warriors of Fath Shah realised that it was not
possible to gain victory through the strategy they had adopted; and, therefore,
dismissing all hopes, turned back towards the capital. Sayyid Ibrahim Baihaqi
gave them a hot pursuit and all those on whom he could lay his hands were slain.
Then he and his party returned to Nowshehr in India.
[ verses ]
After that day, he strengthened his power and
authority, and owing to the power and influence that he wielded, he dominated
over the rest of the nobles. Details concerning this will be given at their
Muhammad Shah reacts
A messenger brought full details of these developments
to Muhammad Shah. He was told how Sayyid Ibrahim Khan heroically fought the foe
and defended the locality in Nowshehr to prevent Fath Shah from entering that
town and how a number of Fath Shah's soldiers were slain in the battle. He
reacted happily to this and gave fatherly affection[l2] and special favours to
the state officials and chiefs of Kashmir.
Uthman's second ministry
During the year following this event, Malik Uthman and
Malik Shankar Raina joined together to oppose Malik Ibrahlm Magray and managed
to secure the support of Fath Shah in this. They succeeded in imprisoning
Ibrahlm's two sons, Malik Abdal and Malik Feroz. Malik Ibrahim lelt for Poonch.
With that Malik Uthman became the Chief Vizir for the second time. Malik Shankar
Raina and his group gave him full support. [l3] Five months later, Ibrahim
Magray in combination with a group of Chaks and Padars, who were scattered over
Indian lands, proclamed Muhammad Shah as king, and entered into Kashmir via
Baramulla, and encamped at Sopor. On the other side, Malik Uthman and Malik
Shankar Raina took Fath Shah along with them and with a fairly large force at
their command encamped by the bank of the lake (or river ?) outside the range of
their arrows. At that time a musket or a gun was unknown in Kashmir.
It so happened that Mir Ahdi, the son-in-law of Mir
Shamsu'd-Din 'Iraqi, deserted Malik Uthman and joined the troops of Magrays. At
this, Malik Uthman held out threats to Amir Shamsu'd-Din that "with God's
grace the victory will be ours and on reaching the city (of Srinagar) the first
thing for me to do would be to burn you alive and then enter the city." Mir
Shams developed deep hatred for him.
Fighting in Sopor
Shortly afterwards, Uthman realized that on account of
the obstruction posed by the river, it would not be possible for him to make any
headway. Proud of his bravery and valour, he left behind Fath Shah and Malik
Shankar Raina with their troops to confront the enemy and took the Khuihama
route to make a surprise attack on them from the rear. On the other side, Lohar
Magray and Regi Chak, accompanied by innumerable troops, sealed off his way by
occupying the top of Bosangari hillock. When Uthman reached near them, he
made a valorous attack and succeeded in defeating and repulsing them. The
defeated troops somehow managed to rejoin their main force. Malik Uthman halted
at the top of Bosangari for the night. The news of his occupation of Bosangari
and the defeat of the troops of Magrays reached the city. When Mulla Muhammad
Ganai, the tutor of Fath Shah, came to Amir Shams-u'd-Din 'Iraqi, he asked him
the latest news about his  Fath Shah. The tutor told him that the top of
Bosangari had been captured, the enemy defeated, and that the victorious troops
were at the hillock. Mir Shams tald him that even if he would move up to the top
of the sky, God Almighty would hurl him down upon earth and not grant him
freedom to oppress the helpless (faqirs).
Malik 'Ali's treachery
During those days there lived a very shrewd and
intelligent man, Malik 'Ali by name, in the group of Malik Kaji Chak. He sensed
that Malik Uthman was in a strong position to overpower them in the battle that
would be fought the following day. By nightfall he came to the bank of the lake
and loudly announced like this: "I am Malik 'Ali, the son of Mulla Husain
-- (illeg.). A couple of trusted men among the closest courtiers of Fath Shah
may come here as I want to speak to them about something important." When
Fath Shah heard it, he ordered two or three of his trusted courtiers to proceed
to the bank of the lake. Malik 'Ali spoke these words to them in a subdued tone:
"I have had the honour of being a ward of your king. It was his benevolence
which lifted me high from nowhere. I want to show my goodwill towards him. Let
it be known to you that Malik Uthman has been slain and his entire army has been
crushed and dispersed by the troops of Kaji Chak. They have drawn a plan to
ferry the troops across the lake tomorrow morning and capture Fath Shah and hand
him over to Muhammad Shah. I beseech you a hundred times that this very night
Fath Shah should move away to Poonch by Havel [sic] route, otherwise he will
be captured. Since I have enjoyed the patronage of that house—having been
brought up in it—I cannot help showing good-will towards it."
This story was carried to Fath Shah by persons nearest
to him. He decided to set out the same night towards India via Havel taking with
him a few of his belongings and leaving behind the rest. Malik 'Ali succeeded in
wrecking their (Fath Shah's) army through his intelligence and his skill for
[ verses ]
Next day, Malik Uthman learnt that the treacherous act
of Malik 'Ali had led to the destruction of the troops of Fath Shah and Shankar
Raina. He was left with no alternative but to retrace his steps from Bosangari
and withdraw to the city. By nightfall, he arrived at the banks of the waters of
Lar[l8] which he managed to cross and then halted there for the night. At
sunrise, he resumed his night towards the village[l9] --- (illeg.). Malik
Ibrahim Magray was unrelanting in his pursuit, ultimately, he captured him at
Neev and put him in prison. Later on, he was put to death in that prison, and
the fury of the flames of dervishes' anger took a concrete shape. The
chronogram denoting the year of his (Uthman's) death is the word tarkash.
Muhammad Shah's third term
Thus Muhammad Shah wrested the throne for himself, and
for the third time, the high office of the Chief Vizir went to Malik Ibrahim
Magray.  The rule of Muhmmad Shah and the ministry of Ibrahim Magray lasted
Fath Shah's third term
After the expiry of nine months, Fath Shah turned from
India towards Kashmir, but before entering it, he despatched his son Habib Khan
to Mongehnar [sic]. Malik Jehangir Padar fled from Pir [sic]  to join him (Fath
Shah). When Fath entered into Kashmir, most of its people rallied to his side.
Malik Kaji Chak also joined him along with his troops. Muhammand Shah, Ibrahim
Khan, Mir Muhammad Baihaqi and Ibrahim Magray fled to India, leaving the domain
of Kashmir to Fath Shah. For the second time, the administrative authority of
Kashmir passed into the hands of Jehangir Padar. Apart from the state-owned
lands, Kashmir was now divided into three zones allotted each to Jehangir Padar,
Malik Shanker Raina and Malik Kaji Chak.
Muhammad Shah defeated
The spring breeze from the pious breath of
dervishes blew in the vernal garden (of Kashmir), and the fruit-yielding
tree of the rule of Chaks began to grow. A year later, Malik Ibrahim Magray
brought Muhammad Shah along with him to Kashmir. At Brengil [sic] a fierce
battle took place between them [the troops of Muhammad Shah and Fath Shah] in
which Ibrahim Magray and his two sons were slain; Muhamrnad Shah fled
Two years after this event, Muhammad Shah went to
Sultan Sikander Shah for help; he treated him with regards and courtesies
befitting a king and also placed at his disposal a large force for his
assistanoe. With army, he reached Rajver and encamped at Danora grounds.
Malik Jehangir Padar and Malik Shankar Raina despatched a number of messengers,
one after the other, to him, and through them conveyed to Muhammad Shah their
promises of loyal submission and unconditional obedience. They repeatedly sent
him letters in which they expressed their allegiance and submission to him.
They declared that his orders and directives would become articles of faith for
them. Malik Kajl Chak and Shankar Raina and Nusrat Raina separated from Fath
Shah and returned to the fort of Tarsh [sic]. Malik Jehangir Padar joined hands
with Fath Shah and fighting broke out between the two sides. In the fight, he (Fath
Shah) suffered reverses and fled towards the mountains. This news was brought to
Muhammad Shah who expressed his full appreciation of their loyalty and since
It was Muhammad Shah's considered opinion that
stationing of such a large and foreign army in those lands would lead to its
spoliation and desolation. Thirty thousand cavalrymen accompanied him; he sent
back some of them from Danora, but some more were left behind at Rajver (Rajouri)
and Danora. He picked only two thousand horsemen for his entry into Kashmir.
Malik Kaji Chak and Malik Nusrat Raina preceded Muhammad Shah in order to
welcome him on his arrival in Kashmir.
On arrival in Kashmir, he (Muhammad Shah) found it
proper to elevate Malik Kaji Chak as the Chief Vizir of this land to the
exclusion of the rest. Consequently, Malik Kaji Chak became a minister and the
administrative head of the land. Malik Shankar Raina was detained. The
Indian army contingents were persuaded to return home. In order to make a formal
show of compliance to Sultan Sikandar, Muhammad Shah accompanied the returning
troops in person upto Nowshehr and then bade them farewell. Winter had already
set in and behind them lay mountains freshly covered with snow, making the
passage difficult for them. Muhammad Shah was thus left with no alternative but
to pass the winter at Nowshehr in India.
Kaji Chak's victory
Taking advantage of a long winter and bitter cold,
Malik Lohar Magray and Malik Nusrat Raina together raised troops and led
insurrections defying the authority of Malik Kaji Chak in the fort at Nawgam. At
this time Malik Jehangir Padar emerged from Kohistan (Indian mountains) and
joined Malik Kaji Chak. Malik Lohar Magray and Malik Nusrat Raina now realized
that an open and direct fight with the adversary would not be a judicious step,
and, therefore, resolved to make a night-assault on them. Taking the enemy by
surprise would perhaps yield them success. But before leaving the fort of Nowgam,
Kaji Chak had received information about their impending move, and consequently
he had taken all precautionary measures to foil their attempt by keeping his
troops in full readiness. With the war-cries raised by the assaulting troops and
the deafening tumult over the battlefield, the troops of Kaji Chak rushed out of
their camps and quarters to cross swords with the enemy. On the grounds of
Zaldagar, a grim and bloody battle was fought, in which many brave soldiers and
warriors were wounded or killed on either side. Malik Nusrat Raina lay among the
slain. Malik Kaji Chak himself received wounds in that battle and also lost one
of the fingers of his right hand. On seeing that most of his associates had been
either killed or wounded, Lohar Magray was forced to flee.
Thus with the blessings of God the Benevo]ent, the
flower of victory and triumph blossomed in the rose gardan of the clan of Chaks.
The pious breath blown by Hazrat Amir Shamsu'd-Din had brought fragrance to
When the bitter winter came to an end and the sun
reappeared with its full lustre, Muhammad Shah and Sayyid Ibrahim moved into
Kashmir along with their army. With the good wishes and to the pleasure of Amir
Shamsu'd-Din 'Iraqi, Malik Kaji Chak occupied the ministry and held the
administrative authority of the kingdom. During the whole period for which he
held the reins of the government, he was always guided by Amir Shamsu'd-Din
'Iraqi's instructions, directives, and commands. It was during this regime that
Amir Shamsu'd-Din 'Iraqi ordered Malik Kaji Chak to reconstruct the khanqah of
Amir (Sayyid 'Ali Hamadani). At this time Fath Shah reigned over Kashmir. On the
day they were laying out the plan of the structure of the khanqah, an
altercation took place between Amir Shamsu'd-Din and Fath Shah with the result
that, a few days later Fath Shah was deposed and expelled from the country.
Muhammad Shah was recalled and put on the throne. Fath Shah never came back to
Kashmir afterwards. Malik Shankar Raina, too, was languishing in the Indian
mountains at that time. In A.H. 925 (A.D. 1519). both Fath Shah and Shankar
Raina died somewhere in the mountains of India.
In the year --- when Muhammad Shah was the king and
Kaji Chak his vizir, the khanqah of Hazrat Hamadaniyyeh caught fire.
Massacre of infidels
One of the big tasks completed by him and one of the
major commands of Amir Shamsu'd-Din Muhammad 'Iraqi carried out by him was the
massacre of infidels and polytheists of this land. It happened like this.
During the government of Malik Musa Raina, all the
depraved heretics of this land had been converted to Islam. [But] with the help
of some of the chiefs of this land, some of them had reverted to the customs of
the infidels and polytheists. These apostates had resumed idolatory. Some of the
infidels related that during the hours of offering prayers and worshipping of
idols, they would place a copy of the holy Qur'an under their haunches to make a
seat to sit upon. Thus idol-worshipping proceeded even while they sat on the
divine book. When the news and details of these doing were brought to Amir
Shamsu'd-Din Muhammad 'Iraqi, he summoned Malik Kaji Chak to him. Accompanied by
Malik 'Ali and Khwaja Ahmad, his two counsellors and administrators, Malik Kaji
Chak presented himself before the venerable Amir Shamsu'd-Din 'Iraqi, who
declared to them: "This community of Idolators has, after embracing and
submitting to the Islamic faith, now gone back to difiance and apostasy. If you
find yourself unable to inflict punishment upon them in accordance with the
provisions of sharia' and take disciplinary action against them, it will become
necessary and incumbent upon me to proceed on a self-imposed exile and in that
case you shall not stand in my way at the time of my departure."
Since the above-mentioned Malik, prior to his
assumption of power and authority, had promised him that he would never deviate
from or disregard his wishes and injunctions, therefore, in deferance to his
wishes, he held consultations with his counsellors and administrative officers,
and decided upon carrying out a wholesale massacre of the infidels. Their
massacre was scheduled for the days of the approaching 'Ashura. Thus in the
year A.H. 924 (A.D. 1518), corresponding to 94th year of Kashmiri calendar,
during the 'Ashura, about seven to eight hundred infidels were put to death.
Those killed were the leading personalities of the community of infidels at that
time: men of substance and government functionaries. Each of them wielded
influence and sway over a hundred families of other infidels and heretics. Thus
the entire community of infidels and polytheists in Kashmir was coerced into
conversion to Islam at the point of the sword. This is one of the major
achievements of Malik Kaji Chak.
In the year A.H. 926 (A.D. 1519), Kaji Chak placed a
large force under the command of his son Mas'ud Chak and sent him to capture
Jehangir Padar. But Malik Jehangir received the information of Malik
Mas'ud's move in advance. He fled towards Kamaraj where he aligned himself
with Gaday Malik and the people of --- (illeg). In A.H. 927 (A.D. 1520), Malik
Abdal, Lohar Magray and Malik 'Idi Raina rallied round Iskandar Khan, the
son of Fath Shah, and captured the fort of Nagam to lead an insurrection against
Malik Kaji Chak. Jehangir Padar and Gaday Malik also appeared from Kamaraj and
Drav to join hands with Iskandar Khan. They reached the pargana of Lar where
Kaji Chak had despatched his son Mas'ud Chak to offer resistance to them and
himself came out to confront Iskandar Khan. He went a little ahead of his son
Mas'ud Chak and took position near Shihabu'd-Din Pora, where he got engaged in a
fight with Gaday Malik. In the battle that ensued, Gaday Malik was slain by
Malik Daulat, and Mas'ud Chak fought Jehangir Padar. By chance an arrow struck
Mas'ud Chak in his eye; he fell from his horse in front of Jehangir Padar and
After killing Malik Gaday, Malik Daulat proceeded
towards Lar thinking that he had emerged victorious. Both the parties [which
fought each other] headed onwards in a happy and joyous mood towards Lar and did
not know about the losses they had suffered.
On reaching Shihabu'd-Din Pora, Malik Daulat's party
came to know of the death of Malik Mas'ud: On the other hand, on reaching Krehmu,
the troops of Jehangir Padar learnt of the killing of Malik Gaday. Malik Daulat
then crossed the lake at Shihabu'd-Din Pora and joined Ibrahim Khan and
Malik Tazi Chak both of whom had come to extend their support to Malik Mas'ud.
They carried with them Malik Husain Raina, son of Serang (Sarhang ?) Raina, as
their captive, and put him to death before heading towards the city. Jehangir
Husain also set out for the city by the Lar route with the intention of crossing
the lake and joining Iskandar Khan. But several attempts of his to cross the
lake at a place of his choice were foiled by Ibrahim Khan, Malik Tazi Chak and
Malik Daulat, all of whom had control of the opposite bank. A few days later,
Iskandar Khan and his associates decided to withdraw towards India after ceasing
hostilities. Malik Jehangir Padar followed suit. In this way Malik Kaji Chak
rose to the heights of glory. He bestowed special favours and choicest
benefactions upon Malik Daulat. He placed the office, the jagir, the harem and
the establishment and household of Malik Masu'd Chak under his complete control.
In A.H. 930 (A.D. 1523), Malik 'Ali, Malik Abdal, Malik
Lohar Magray and Malik Regi raised the banner of revolt, and with the
cooperation of the Magrays, Muhammad Shah and Nowroz Chak left the city and
proceeded towards Lar. Finding that most of the people in the city had
broken their promises and revoked their commitments and come out in open
opposition, Malik Kaji Chak picked up his associates and followers and, with
necessary equipment and supplies, left for the Indian mountains. The party
stationed itself at Nowsher in India where it camped for some time.
At this time two of Babur Padshah's generals, namely
Kuchak Beg and Shaykh 'Ali Beg, moved towards Nowshehr with a strong contingent
of Turki soldiers with the intention of conquering Kashmir. But he (Malik Kajl
Chak) collected the sturdy men of the mountains and of neighbouring areas,
and stationed them on the top of Kajdari mountain to block the routes. Tazi Chak
and Ghazi Khan had moved their contingents a little ahead of Malik Kaji Chak,
and got involved in a skirmish with the Mughals. This was followed by a battle
between them, in which Tazi Chak succeeded in killing a couple of Mughal
soldiers. Ghazi Khan struck his lance at a Mughal soldier which sent him reeling
down from his horse. The soldier rolled down the slope and collided with another
Mughal horseman who also came hurtling down, and both of them got killed there
and then. Ghazi Khan was hardly seventeen or eighteen years old at this time. He
achieved fame for having killed two Mughal soldiers with a single thrust of his
Kaji Chak returns
At last the Turki and the Mughal troops were
defeated and the hardy men of the mountains put a large number of them to the
sword down the farthest extremities of the mountains. A few months later, Malik
Kaji Chak arrested Iskandar Khan because he had been responsible for inviting
the Mughal army. Iskandar's arrest by Kaji Chak prompted Muhammad Shah to revive
old bonds of affection and unity with Kaji Chak and to forget their mutual
rancour and animosity. Through letters he assured him of his friendship and
cooperation and requested him to return to Kashmir. Thereupon Malik Kaji Chak
came to Kashmir along with Iskander Khan. He was ultimately handed over to
Muhammad Shah, who got his eyes gouged out. In collusion with Malik 'Ali, a
group of Magrays rose in revolt against the army [of Muhammad Shah] in the
village of Kichhama, which led to hostilities between them. Muhammad Shah,
Malik Kaji Chak and Sayyid Ibrahim Khan Baihaqi proceeded to fight them. The
Magrays were ultimately defeated, their soldiers took to their heels and Malik
'Ali fell a prisoner in the hands of Malik Kaji Chak.
A few months later, Malik 'Ali, a prisoner in the house
of Malik Tazi Chak, managed his escape to India. A little later, Malik Kaji Chak
deposed Muhammad Shah and interned him in the perilous mountain-village called
Lud along with his soldiers. Ibrahim Shah was installed on the throne in
place of his father and Kaji Chak now committed himself to serving and bringing
him up. Malik 'Ali and Malik Regi Chak thought that the time was ripe for
action, and, therefore, collected a large number of Magrays at Nowshehr.
Magray's seek Babur's help
After arriving at a decision through consulations with
them, Malik Abdal Magray went to Babur Padshah to seek his help, who received
him with full courtesy bestowing such special favours upon him as befitted the
dignity and status of monarchs; he also issued cammands to Shaykh 'Ali Beg and
Muhammad Khan to help him. Forthwith they proceeded towards Kashmir. In A.H.
935 (A.D. 1528), the group of Magrays, in collaboration with Malik 'Ali and Regi
Chak and with the assistance of Babur's troops entered into Kashmir via
Havel  [sic]. Malik Kaji Chak learnt about their advancing columns and,
therefore, marched out to meet them. They confronted each other at village
Nangil in Bengil pargana. Malik Tazi Chak the backbone of their force, took the
lead and attacked the enemy. As God willed it, he suffered defeat and disaster,
and death tighteneld its unrelenting grip on him. This was followed by a direct
encounter between Malik Kaji Chak and the Turki troops.
Kaji Chak's bravery
The Mughal troops included a warrior, a veteran of many
grim and bloody battles, and renowned in his days as the bravest of the brave.
He had sustained many wounds and had won many laurels on the battlefield. From
the first day of the movement of Mughal troops from Agra until the time they
reached Kashmir, he had been making repeated enquiries about Kaji Chak. During
the battle he sought the help of his friends to identify Kaji Chak for him. He
announced that he wanted to fight that brave man to find out how much daring and
courage he possessed. His challenging words had reached Kaji Chak before the
actual fighting had broken out. At the moment when Kaji Chak's troops were
suffering reverses, this gallant Mughal warrior came closer to the troops of
Malik Kaji Chak and said in loud words: "Who among you is Kaji Chak ? Where
is he ? I want to fight him. Let him come out and let us try who is braver of
[ verses ]
~On hearing these challenging words of the Mughal
warrior, he turned back from his retreating troops and slowly moved towards him.
The latter too spurred his horse and came closer to Malik Kaji Chak. He
attempted a lightening blow of his sword on Malik Kaji Chak's head. The Malik
lifted his shield to protect his head and face; with great alacrity he dodged
the blow aimed at his head. Then making an offensive pass, he struck his lance
at the chest of the Mughal warrior with such force that, in spite of his being
clad in a coat of mail, it pierced [the warrior's chest] and came out from his
back about a span, and with that he lifted him from his saddle and hurled him
down on the ground, uttering in Kashmiri language  "This is the very
Kaji Chak you had been looking for from Agra to Kashmir to take your life."
After uttering these words, Kaji Chak turned towards the city. The Mughal troops
came to the wounded warrior. With a slender breath of life in him, he warned
them that one who ventured to pursue that man (Kaji Chak) would certainly
endanger his life because a fight with him would only be suicidal. The Turki
soldiers looked at the condition of their fallen warrior and also at the wounds
he had sustained, and gave up their attempt of pursuing Kaji Chak, though, of
course, they continued with their onward march at an easy pace.
Daulat Chak's heroism
In this battle, Malik Daulat Chak first wielded his
sword to fight the enemy, but when it broke, he pulled his heavy mace out of its
holder. When a Turki soldier confronted him, he struck a blow of his mace on his
head which sent the soldier reeling on the ground. But in the process, the mace
slipped from Malik Daulat Chak!s hand. A Mughal warrior saw that he was without
a weapon and took the opportunity of striking at him with a sword, but with
alacrity Malik Daulat held back the assailant's striking hand and then wrested
the sword from his grip. Since his right hand was wounded in the scuffel, he
held the sword in his left hand and dealt a severe blow to the Mughal warrior.
However, it did not prove fatal. As Malik Daulat had sustained many wounds in
that battle, he made his way into the house of a soldier and closed the door
In this battle a number of Kaji Chak's veteran soldiers
and famous warriors like Malik Tazi Chak, Malik Serang (Sarhang) Chak and Malik
Suh Chak were slain along with their followers, near ones and subordinates
who had braved many a misfortune with them. In the same battle, the group of
Baihaqi Sayyids, under the leadership of Sayyid Ibrahim Khan, retraced their
steps among the fleeing troops of Kaji Chak and made a second daring attack on
the enemy. In the encounter he (Sayyid Ibrahim) excelled as a brave warrior.
With a stroke of his lance, he struck down Baba Beg --(illeg) from his horse.
[ verses ]
Sayyid Ibrahim's imprisonment
These assaults caused harassment in the rank and file
of the enemy, who in desperation rained arrows on him (Sayyid Ibrahim Khan). Not
being able to withstand the volley of enemy's arrows, his horse sank into the
dust of the battlefield. Mir Sayyid Ibrahim fell a prisoner into the hands of
After the Turki troops captured Malik Daulat and Ghazi
Khan—the veterans and celebrities of the Kashmir army— Malik Kaji Chak, along
with a handful of his associates, succeeded in disentangling himself from the
battle and turning towards the mountain range called Kakru (Ghakru).
Malik Daulat's escape
When Ibrahim Khan and Malik Daulat Chak were being
escorted to the city as captives, Malik Daulat, despite a number of wounds on
his body, jumped to the bank from a boat after the evening prayers had been
offered, and went to a nearby lake. His guards deployed forty to fifty boats all
around the lake and searched for him till midnight. Malik Daulat Chak had hidden
himself in the waters of that lake by taking cover under large leaves of
waterlily, keeping only his head out of water so that he could breathe. When the
search for him proved futile, the boats withdrew after midnight. Thereupon Malik
Daulat came out of the lake and ran for safety. Ibrahim continued to be their
Mughal troops leave
The victorious group triumphantly entered the city. The
domain of Kashmir was divided into four parts, which they shared among
themselves. Muhammad Shah was recalled from the mountains and was installed on
the throne. The authority of the government and the ministry was given to Malik
Abdal. With the setting in of autumn, Shaykh 'Ali Beg and his Turki troops were
permitted to proceed towards India. Malik 'Ali accompanied them upto Nowshehr in
India, where he bade them farewell and returned to Kashmir. Four persons who
divided Kashmir among themselves and rapaciously appropriated their respective
portions were Malik Abdal, Malik Lohar Magray, Malik Regi Chak of Kupwara and
In A.H. 938 (A.D. 1531), corresponding to the 17th of
Kashmiri calendar, Mirza Kamran planned to occupy Kashmir. He stationed
himself at Nowshehr in India, but sent a strong force of well-equipped three
thousand horsemen under the command of Mahram Beg[6l] and Shaykh 'Ali Beg with
instructions to march on to Kashmir. Kashmiri nobles were left with no time to
obstruct them in the mountains and to engage them in sporadic fighting in narrow
passes leading into Kashmir. In this way the Turki troops entered into Kashmir
unopposed and unhindered and camped in the city. Kashmiri chiefs assembled in
the fort at Tsereh Vudar. Malik Kaji Chak emerged from Kakru (Ghakru) mountains
and along with his sons and allies joined the Kashmiri chiefs. Mahram Beg
conveyed the date of the event in the undermentioned verses to Kamran Mirza in
chu kardam fath-e nim-e u'be tarikh
khirad gufta kih fath-e nim-e firdaws
The news of victory contained in the despatch delighted
Kamran Mirza and, having been freed from all anxieties, he left for Lahore.
Kashmiri nobles assembled in large numbers at the
village of Athwajan and took position on mountain heights. Mahram Beg and
his troops crossed the river and engaged them in that village. In the battle
that ensued a large number of soldiers on either side was slain. As God willed
it, the Mughal faced reverses and, withdrawing from Nowshehr, turned towards the
western quarter of the city where they had set up their headquarters. Kashmiri
troops appeared on the heights of Koh-i-Suleyman and came down slowly towards
the east of the city to establish their camp. There was sporadic fighting
with the Mughals for some time. At last, Mahram Beg got sick of this and entered
into negotiations with Kashmiri chiefs and made firm promises of peace and
conciliation to tkem.
Kaji Chak and Mahram Beg meet
All the nobles [of Kashmir] assembled in the khanqah of
Amir Sayyid 'Ali Hamadani. Malik Kaji Chak took a boat which had been tied with
ropes. From the side of the Turks, Mahram Beg also took a boat of the same kind,
and both the boats were rowed simultaneously to reach the midstream. As the
boats drew close, Malik Kaji Chak leapt into Mahram Beg's boat and sat beside
him. Mahram Beg was greatly delighted and felt obliged to Kaji Chak for this
extraordinary gesture. They talked and deliberated for nearly an hour and then,
taking each other's leave, rowed back to their respective camps. On rejoining
his party of Kashmiri nobles, Malik Kaji Chak was asked by them why he had left
his boat and gone to Mahram Beg's boat. His answer was that he felt convinced
that Mahram Beg was incapable of doing him any harm because he was not as agile
and clever as he himself was. This prompted him to move into his boat without
entertaining any fears, he added.
A few days later, he arranged presents for Kamran Mirza
and bade farewell to Turki troops, who left Kashmir via Baramulla. Malik Daulat
Chak and Jehangir Magray accompanied them up to Pakhli.
It had been decided [by Kajl Chak and Mahram Beg] that
Muhammad Shah would be given the state lands of Kashmir as his jagirs. Out of
these a jagir was allowed to Sayyid Ibrahim Khan for his maintenance. They
divided Kashmir into five zones. Kaji Chak set up his headquarters at Zenehpore.
Another zone and the ministry went to Abdal Magray with his headquarters at
Bengil. Malik Regi Chak stationed himself at Kamaraj. The fourth share went
to Malik 'Ali who occasionally shifted between the parganas of Ular and the
village Tursh [sic]. They stuck to this arrangement for about a year.
Haidar Dughlat's invasion
In the year A.H. 939 (A.D. 1532), Sultan Sayyid
Khan came to Tibet from Kashghar. It took him some time in subjugating and
plundering those areas. Meanwhile the passes leading to Kashghar got blocked. He
was, therefore, forced to spend the winter in Tibet. But as Tibet did not have
provisions sufficient to meet the requirements of his troops, he decided that
his son Iskandar Sultan and some senior commanders proceed to Kashmir with an
army under the overall command of Mirza Haidar. They took the Lar route and
reached the outskirts of Kashmir. In the pargana of Lar, Kashmiri commanders
suffered serious reverses at their hands, and withdrew to the fort of Hanjeek.
Mirza Haidar encamped at Nowshehr and finding that the fort of Hanjeek was
strong, they turned towards Maraj, where they burnt the whole city and fanned
out in the entire pargana. Wherever the Turki troops halted, Kashmiri nobles
also staioned themselves close to them, and pursued them with their groups. The
Mughal troops indulged in large-scale killing, loot and plunder of household
goods, property and other materials. They took children and womenfolk as
captives to be enslaved. Unscrupulous and extremely irreligious as they were,
they converted the Islamic city (of Srinagar) into enemy's country (daru'l-harb),
and considered the shedding of the blood of Muslims as lawful as 'sucking milk
from one's mother's breast.' The Qadi, the learned, the jurisconsults and
scholars left their homes and took shelter on the island of lank. Muslim
nobles, officials and chiefs approached the Qadi, the eminent doctors of
religious learning, the jurisconsults and also the Sayyids for their opinion on
the outrage perpetrated by the Turki hordes. They asked them as to what,
according to the tenets of Islam, would be the position of a Muslim and a
faithful who got killed in fighting on the side of Kashmiris and also what the
Muslim law said about those of the persons who were killed on the side of the
Mughals. A unanimous decree issued by the learned, the divine, the jurisconsults
observed that according to the doctors of religion and [Shia'] theology, those
killed on the side of Kashmiris, high or low, were to be considered as martyrs
and the oppressed. [They further said that] the powerful and the overbearing who
subjugate and dominate Islamic lands and subject its Muslim men and materials to
wholesale rapine and plunder are usurpers according to Islamic ecclesiastical
authorities and prelates. According to the religion of Muhammad their killing
was not merely permissible, but necessary. It had a legal sanction and was
considered an act of virtue.
Kashmiri nobles carried these decrees in their hands
and bravely searched for them [the Turks] from place to place till that winter
came to an end. In early spring, Kashmiri troops and Mughal soldiers clashed in
the neighbourhood of the barren lands of Babul. Both sides used weapons like
bows and arrows in the battle that followed. Loud war cries were raised by
warriors on either side and the tumult of the striking swords virtually
extinguished the life-breath of the young and the old.
[ verses ]
Kashmiri troops, who were commanded by Malik 'Ali, came
into direct confrontation with Turki soldiers, and a big battle followed. The
Mughal troops, commanded by Baba Siragh Mirza and numbering about five hundred,
were all armed and clad in coats of mail. Realizing that much blood would be
shed in the course of fighting, Malik Ali produced the decree which had been
obtained from the divines and learned men and, showing it to the people,
implored them to stand witness to the fact that it was on the basis of this
decree that he had taken up arms against Mughal troops. Putting the decree
under his armpit, Malik 'Ali spoke the opening words of the Islamic prayer 'In
the name of Allah, the Compassionate the Merciful.' After this, the son of Malik
Musa Raina, Malik Shaykh 'Ali Bhat, and many other brave warriors attacked the
Turks. They exhibited feats of singular courage and extraordinary valour on the
battlefield and inflicted severe wounds on Mughal soldiers; the heads of many of
them were cut off. A brave Kashmiri soldier struck such a deep wound on the
horse of Beg [sic] Siragh Mirza that the charger was forced to gallop back to
the 'background.' Siragh Mirza took another horse and turned to flee. Beholding
that the centre of their army had started cracking, Dayam 'Ali Beg from the
right flank and Mirza Haidar from the left flank of their army, dashed out, each
with about a thousand soldiers, and attacked with a total strength of two
thousand strong. This was met by Malik 'Ali, Malik Husain Raina, son of Musa and
Malik Shaykh 'Ali Bhat. Kashmiri commanders and soldiers fought with great
determination and displayed their excellent fighting qualities. However, since
God Almighty's grace did not favour them, their efforts were of no avail.
Despite the rare courage and prowess shown by Malik Husain Raina, son of Musa
Raina, Malik Shaykh 'Ali Bhat, and the rest of the warriors, they could not defy
what was predestined; and, therefore, fell in the battlefield. Since they were
the senior commanders and the backbone of their army and fell as martyrs, their
soldiers turned their back on the battlefield. About a thousand and five hundred
soldiers were slain in the Lidar valley through which flows the Khovurpora
stream. The rest of the commanders and their troops fled the field. Malik Kaji
Chak together with a party of his sons and soldiers ascended the heights near
Babul slopes. Ibrahim Khan continued to resist his opponents bravely. He carried
in his hand a fire-spitting sword, and excited his charger so as to make furious
dashes all over the battlefield and struck blow after blow to the enemy on the
[ verses ]
When the opponents saw that the troops of Ibrahim Khan,
whose sword spat fire, had met with defeat and that he was fighting
single-handed, they encircled him. But when Ibrahim Khan saw that Kashmiri
troops had been defeated and had withdrawn to the barren lands of Babul, he
pierced the encircling troops of the enemy and joined Malik Chak's soldiers. The
rest of the defeated soldiers also assembled at the above-mentioned heights.
They held on to that elevated spot for some days till their ranks were
reinforced by the defeated and dispersed soldiers in the neighbouring areas.
Once again, they took up arms against the Mughals to avenge their earlier
At this time, Mirza Haidar sent  to Sultan Sa'eed
Khan, then encamping in Tibet, a despatch stating that on the 4th of Sha'ban, a
fierce battle had been fought with Kashmiri army on the slopes of Babul in which
a large number of troops were involved. God had blessed his triumphant army with
victory. The date of this victory was found by a Qadi [ or by Qadi ] in the army
of Sultan Sa'eed in the epithet roz-i cheharum az mah-i Sha-ban (the fourth day
of the month of Sha'ban). He incorporated the chronogram in a verse which he
composed and despatched to him: 
[ verses ]
But Mirza Haidar regretted that though it was he who
had composed the phrase, he had not computed the date which it yielded.
In spite of the defeat inflicted on them [ Kashmiris ]
Malik Kaji Chak and all of the remaining Kashmiri commanders still ventured to
harass and to create obstacles for the Turki and the Mughal soldiers. Wherever
the Mughals encamped, Kashmiri commanders contrived to lay in ambush close by.
The helplessness of their army was intensified by a rupture in the relations
between Mirza Haidar and Dayam Ali Beg. The latter proposed truce and cessation
of hostilities with Kashmiri commanders to which Mirza Haidar agreed
Muhammad Shah's niece  was given in marriage to
Iskandar Khan and presents and gifts were sent to Sa'eed Khan. With this they
chose to withdraw by the same route in Lar which they had taken [for entering
By the time autumn set in, Kashmir was liberated from
the presence and also the ravages of the Mughals. Despite the lateness of the
season, farmers and peasants cultivated their fields but because of the onset of
winter, crops could not ripen and corn fields were damaged. Consequently in the
41 st year, corresponding to the 10th year of Kashmiri calendar,  Kashmir
suffered a severe famine, the like of which had not been witnessed by anybody in
the land. Whosoever among the inhabitants of this country escaped the sword and
slaughter by the Mughals found himself locked in a grim battle with starvation.
Many young and old people of this land perished in the famine. A kharwar of
grain was not available even for a thousand tankas.
Let it not remain unknown that after the Mughal troops
quit Kashmir, her chiefs and nobles compromised to forge unity among themselves
and pledged to set aside dissensions and rancour that had bedevilled their
relations in the past. They now promised to respect their mutual pledges of
Malik Kaji Chak took up his abode in Kamaraj pargana;
Malik Lohar Chak dwelt in the pargana of Bengil and Malik Abdal Magray moved
between the city and the parganas. This arrengement lasted a few years.
Muhammad Shah died in the year A.H. 944 /A.D. 1537,
after reigning for nearly fifty-one years. In the aforesaid year, his son Sultan
Shams Shah ascended the throne, but his reign did not last for more than a year,
and he was succeeded to the throne by his brother Isma'il Shah in A.H. 945 (A.D.
Kaji Chak's activities
In the preceding year (i.e., A.H. 944/A.D. 1537), Malik
Kaji Chak had aligned some of the chiefs with himself and entered the city
despite resistance and opposition from the Magrays, who along with Malik Regi
Chak had assembled at Baramulla. Malik Kaji Chak also moved along with his
troops out of the city and confronted them there. A few days later, Malik Daulat
and Malik Zetu [sic] Chak, who had deserted Malik Abdal Magray, were
summoned by Malik Kaji Chak. Truce was concluded with the Magrays and Kaji Chak
returned to the city. But those of the chiefs who had formerly combined with him
once again joined the Magrays. Finding that they were hostile, Kaji Chak came
out of the city and along with a large group left for the Indian mountains
to pass the winter there. With the advent of spring, he requested the
Sultang for full reinforcements.
In the same spring, Malik Regi Chak set out for Jammu
via Banihal with the purpose of marrying the daughter of Raja of Jammu. Malik
Kaji Chak took advantage of this and with the manpower he had received [from the
Ghakkars] entered into Kashmir. The Magrays combined a large group of Malik Regi
Chak's men, the nobles of Chadura and Doona [sic] with their own soldiers, and
garrisoned in the town of Sopor. Malik Kaji Chak camped at the village Kesu to
give them a fight. A month later, Malik Regi Chak returned from Jammu, entered
the city [of Srinagar] and rose in opposition to Malik Kaji Chak.
Now Malik Kaji Chak found that he had been sandwiched
between two formidable enemies—numerous troops of the Magrays and Kashmiri
chiefs on one side, and Malik Regi Chak on the other—and as both of them were
ready to crush him, he thought it prudent to consult with Ibrahim Khan, Malik
Daulat, his nobles and his sons. Their opinion was that he should proceed to
deal with Regi Chak, and that Malik Ibhrahim Khan accompanied by Malik Daulat
and a group of his nobles should offer resistance to the Magrays. Malik Kaji
Chak asked Ibrahim Khan as to what strategy he had [drawn] in case he was forced
to fight a battle with the outnumbering troops of the Magrays. To this he
replied that since he was fully convinced of his bravery, he would wield his
sword over the heads of his enemies in such a manner that their heads would roll
on the ground.
[ verses ]
Battle for the city
Greatly delighted and encouraged by the reply of
Ibrahim Khan, Malik Kaji Chak went ahead with his plan; and, shortly after
evening prayers, he came out to deal with Regi Chak, leaving the result of his
venture to God. By nightfall, Regi Chak came to know that Malik Kaji Chak had
moved his whole force against him, He drew away from Idgah to the locality of 'Alau'd-Din
Pora for a fight by about afternoon [of the next day]. Malik Kaji Chak entered
the city by Nowshehr route. On reaching near Alau'd-Din Pora he deployed a
strong contingent of his troops under commanders like Dervish Thakkur Malik —-
(illeg) and Khwaja Ibrahim on the Gankhan passage to stop the adadvance of Malik
Regi Chak. Himself he headed towards Kalashpora with another strong contingent
and took up a position in the khanqah of Kajdarar (Gojehwar). He sent his son
Muhammad Chak and his soldiers to engage Ragi Chak, who bad demolished the
Kalashpora bund, rendering the passage impassable. Malik Kaji Chak despatched
Hamza Nayak [sic] and Naji Nayak from the Maisumeh [sic] route. At first Malik
Regi Chak proceeded to confront them, but when people spread the rumour that
Sayyid Ibrahim Khan, Malik Daulat Chak and Zetu Chak were on their way to the
city, which they planned to enter from their side, he did not think it proper to
go ahead with his plan of attacking them and, therefore, retraced his steps.
During the time he was crossing and re-crossing, the troops of Malik Regi Chak
and the Jammu soldiers stationed at the Gankhan passage had been badly mauled .
Malik Kaji Chak' s foot-soldiers had pressed them hard so as to demoralise them
and to force them to take to their heels. The troops of Kaji Chak were followed
by cavalrymen who reached near the khanqah of Sayyid 'Ali Hamadani. When Malik
Regi Chak heard the names of Ibrahim Khan, Malik Daulat Chak, and Zetu Chak, he
chose to withdraw. In the neighbourhood of the khanqah, he had an encounter with
Dervish Thakkur and killed him. Near the gate of the khanqah, he also smote
Khwaja Ibrahim to death. The rest of his enemies dispersed and hid themselves in
the nearby lanes and private houses. Thus Regi Chak came closer to the Gankhan
passage. His enquiries revealed to him that Malik Kaji Chak was heading towards
Kalashpora. Thereupon, he retraced his steps and made for Kalashpora. On
reaching the site where the bund had been demolished, he found that Muhammad
Chak, son of Malik Kaji Chak, had taken up position there. He threatened him and
made him go back, so that he did not become a victim of his adversary's sword.
News was brought to Malik Kaji Chak that Regi was heading towards the same
approach; he mounted his horse and moved on to Kalashpora mosque and waited in
the compound of Nuni Ganai mosque for his enemy. On reaching the site of the
broken bund, he learnt that Hamza Nayak was approaching from Monjehdar
[locality]. Thus the earlier information about Ibrahim Khan and Malik Daulat
proved to be a lie. He then thought it advisable to face them and turning back
adopted the same path. Face to face with them, Malik Hamza Nayak fled to a
private house, but Malik Naji Nayak was captured and brought before him. Regi
Chak reproached him severely, and let him go. Himself he took the Phak route and
fled to Lar. But Malik Kaji Chak struck and crushed him and then moved towards
Kinsu [sic]. He spent the night at Barthana grounds.
Kaji returns to Sopor
At Sopor, the Magrays learnt of Malik Kaji Chak's
movement. Early in the morning they repaired the bridges a little below Sopor
which they had destroyed and crossed the river to fight against Sayyid Ibrahim
Khan, Malik Daulat Chak and Ghazi Khan. The numerical strength of the troops of
Baihaqi Sayyids and Chaks was small in comparison with that of the Magrays. Some
of the army commanders suggested [to Sayyid Ibrahim Khan] to destroy the bridges
and move away to let the water separate them (from the enemy). Ibrahim Khan and
Daulat Chak were too brave to accept this ignominous suggestion. They argued
that their retreat would result in defeat and dismemberment of their own troops.
Hence they decided to fight with full courage and bravery and stood with
rock-like firmness on the battlefield. Like roaring lions, Malik Kaji Chak's
soldiers fell upon their adversaries, "When God wills, the lesser in number
shall overpower the larger in number," so goes the saying and they emerged
victorious. In this battle, Malik Mas'ud Chak, the brother of Malik Regi Chak,
was slain by Sayyid Yaqub Baihaqi, son of Mir Sayyid Muhammad. The rest of the
Magray group suffered defeat and fled towards India. The Sayyids of Baihaqi made
such desparate and severe atacks on their enemies in the course of this battle,
as would elicit eloquent praise from the bravest of all times. This event
occured in A.H. 945 (A.D. 1538), corresponding to the 14th year of Kashmiri
Kaji Chak's administration
After this victory, the domain of Kashmir was divided
into three parts: Isma'il Shah and Kaji Chak received one share each and the
third went to Mirza Sayyid Ibrahim Khan. For nearly two and a half years, Malik
Kaji Chak was the undisputed sovereign authority and administrative head of this
land. This was the time when Islamic religion and the customs of this faith
reached the heights of glory. In fact, it was he who virtually issued royal
commands in this country, because Isma'il Shah was his son-in-law and he
remained only a titular king; his authority was limited to the striking of coins
and reading of khutba in his name. Malik Kaji Chak held absolute power during
Most of the tribal chiefs and clan leaders who were
seditious and bred strife, or revolted against him, would be thrown into prison,
but none of them was sentenced to death. After some time, he would grant them
pardon and re-confer upon them their jagirs. Though he did sense that they had
malicious designs on his life, his large-heartedness reduced these to
insignificance, and he never ordered any one of them to be put to the sword. His
sons and descendants, who today boast of their independent and autocratic rule,
are in truth reaping the fruits of his generosity and benevolence, whether they
know it or not.
Let it not remain unrevealed that consequent upon their
defeat at Kinsu [sic] the Magrays fled to the India mountains where Malik Regi
Chak joined them after some time. Humayun Padshah was defeated at Agra around
the same time, and he withdrew to Lahore. Sher Shah had ascended the throne of
India. Malik Abdal and Malik Regi Chak sent their sons / descendants to [the
court at] Lahore. Through the help of Khwaja Haji, they managed to secure the
support of Mirza Haidar who at that time was in the service of Humayun in India,
and they came to Kashmir. Leading their troops, Malik Kaji Chak and Sayyid
Ibrahim then proceeded along the Hirpur route to make an exit without any
On 21 Rajab, A.H. 94, (21 October 1540), corresponding
to the 16th year of Kashmiri calendar, the Magrays, assisted by the Mughal
troops, entered into Kashmir via Tsereh-Har. Malik Kaji Chak continued his
march along Hirpur route together with his sons, troops and equippage. Mirza
Haidar extended remarkable courtesy to Kashmiri nobles. The domain was divided
into three parts; one was given to Mirza Haidar, the second to Abdal Magray
along with administrative authority and ministry, and the third to Malik Regi
This arrangement continued till the end of winter. In
early spring on the new year's day of Kashmiris', Abdal Magray—in accordance
with the Qur'anic saying that all that has life must taste of death—passed to
the everlasting world. Mirza Haidar elevated Malik Husain Magray, Malik Abdal
Magray's eldest son, to his late father's office and jagir without diminishing
Kaji meets Sher Shah
From the Indian mountains, Malik Kaji Chak went to Sher
Shah for assistance. The latter showed him full courtesy and due regard and
saw the scars and wounds all over his body. He made him remove his head gear,
and saw the the marks of healing wounds on his head and asked him whether all
those wounds had been sustained by him in a single battle or in many ( in
Kashmir ) . Malik Kaji Chak told him that the wounds had been sustained in not
one but many battles. Sher Shah, thereupon, caressed him profusely and conferred
upon him the title of Khan-i-Khanan. He left it to his choice to call for as
much of assistance as he desired.
Trusting the promises and the letters of agreement
which had come to him from Kashmiri nobles, Kaji Chak brought along with him
Husain Sherwani and Lal Khan from among the nobles of Sher Shah's court and
also a handful of his troops. He made his entry into Kashmir through Hirpur
when the passes opened [after winter]. Mirza Haidar sent Khwaja Hajji and
Ibrahim Khan to Regi Chak at --(illeg) and persuaded him with conciliatory words
to join him. He agreed to do so and Mirza Haidar left his family, womenfolk and
children at Andarkol [sic].
Kaji Chak defeated
The two armies took their respective positions at
Wothnar. Intermittent skirmishes and sporadic fighting between them continued
for nearly a month, after which fighting had to be suspended owing to heavy
rains and floods. Both the armies withdrew from the scene of operations. Malik
Kaji Chak camped at Girdar [sic] and Malik Regi Chak and Mirza Haidar at Kohtar
(Kothar ?). A royal battle was fought near Wahthore."  Mulla Husain
Khatib has recorded the year of this battle in the chronogram fath-e muqarrar
(Repeat victory) which corresponds to the year 49. Malik Nowroz was slain
and Kaji Chak's army suffered defeat and disaster. Malik Kaji Chak, Mir Sayyid
Ibrahim Khan, Malik Daulat Chak and a number of their army commanders fled to
India by the Hirpur route.
Mirzo Haidar visits Jadibal
After the victory was won by Mirza Haidar, Malik Regi
Chak took leave of him and left for Kamaraj for rest and relaxation. Had he
chosen to assume administrative authority and be the minister, Mirza Haidar
would have complied with his orders and agreed to his policies. He would not
have disregarded his wishes. Mirza Haidar's obedience and submissiveness to Regi
Chak may well be estimated from the following anecdote.
Shah Sayyid Ahmad Majzub paid a visit to the domain of
Kashmir. Regi Chak declared that since Shah Ahmad Noor Bakhshi had arrived in
Jadibal rest house, he would like to pay him a visit. He asked for the opinion
of Malik Haidar who readily agreed with him, adding that he himself would like
to accompany him. He then suggested that since it was the mid hour of the day
and they would be obliged to stay with the saint for some time, the warm weather
could prove oppressive for him; and that, therefore, it would be advisable to
choose late afternoon hour for this visit. Till then they could retire to their
respective places for an afternoon siesta. Malik Regi Chak returned to his house
to have rest and sleep and did not wake up before the late afternoon praying
hour. But Mirza Haidar offered the late afternoon prayer and sent somebody to
Malik Regi Chak bidding him to get ready for meeting Shah Sayyid Ahmad Noor
Bakhshi. Regi Chak woke up and began offering prayers. But before he could
finish, Mirza Haidar rode into his house. Then they both procceded to Jadibal.
On reaching near the tomb of Amir Shamsu'd-Din Muhammad 'Iraqi, Mirza Haidar
entered the mausoleum (rowza) with perfect humility and submmission. First, he
stood on the footsteps of the grave, offered prayers far the dead, and then
facing towards qibla, sat in mausoleum and called for a reciter to read out
portions from the Qur'an. He summoned one Khwaja Isma'il who had come from India
after having acquired grace and elegance in the art of recitation. Mirza Haidar
sat close to the grave of Amir Shamsu'd-Din Iraqi and read out the chapter
Ayatu'l-kursi. It was followed by a second prayer for the departed one; and
finally, with humility and modesty, he left the tomb. All the people known or
unknown to him, who observed the deportment of Mirza Haidar, expressed their
surprise and said that the faithful and the followers of this place should learn
the manner and procedures of veneration and courtesy from him. This was followed
by a meeting with Shah Ahmad in the upper story of the khanqah. In the course of
his conversation with Shah Ahmad, Mirza Haidar expressed his strong belief and
faith in the noble order of Noor Bakhshiyyeh [sect]. Then, in his address to the
sufis of Jadibal he offered them pieces of advice. Malik Regi Chak was annoyed
at this and told him angrily that they had not come there for offering sermons.
Malik Haidar noticed his displeasure and put an abrupt end to his sermon, and
shifted to some other topic. Then, bidding good bye to the Shah, he walked the
whole distance of the compound upto the outgoing flight of stairs by retracing
his steps backward without showing his back to the saint (as a mark of extreme
respect). Then he came down the stairs, went round the interior and the exterior
of the khanqah, had a look at the stony floor of its compound and praised Amir
Shams 'Iraqi for his great deeds. 
Malik Haidar did all this just to please Malik Regi
Chak. In fact, in his heart he bore malice and enmity against that order (Noor
Bakhshiyyeh), of which he gave a proof when the opportunity came.
Regi Chak escapes
On finding that Regi Chak paid scant or no attention to
his commands and accorded no respect to his authority, he (Haidar) began to
search for wavs and means of destroying him in the following year. He aligned
Malik 'Idi Raina and Husain Magray with himself and, through the good offices of
Khwaja Hajji, fostered an accord with them. Then he proceeded towards
Kamaraj with the aim of capturing Malik Regi Chak, who, however fled to India
via the Karnav route. Settling temporarily at Poonch, he established and
strengthened bonds of cooperation and amity with Malik Kaji Chak. Malik Haidar
plundered and destroyed Regi Chak's buildings and mansions in Kamaraj, and then
returned to Andarkol [sic] in the city.
While Mirza Haidar was conducting operations in Kamaraj,
Shaykh Daniyal, on learning about the arrival of Shah Sayyid Ahmad Noor
Bakhshi [in Kashmir], moved from Tibet to Kashmir. On arriving in the village
Karaj [sic] he learnt of Regi Chak's disaster. Per necessity, he halted at
Drang where he left his equipment and proceeded towards Mirza Haidar's camp. He
came to the camp of Malik'Idi Raina who received him with respect and honour,
The Malik avoiding committing any lapse in ex-ending support and favour to the
Shaykh, but at last, he withdrew his support. When Malik Haidar found that 'Idi
Raina no more supported him, he ventured to take the step which led to the
It has already been said that Regi Chak had suffered a
defeat and had withdrawn to Poonch where, in the following year, he joined
hands with Kaji Chak and entered into Kashmir via Havel, encamping in Goori Marg
range. Mirza Haidar took with him a contingent of Mughal and Kashmiri
soldiers and encircled them. After some time, the Turkish soldiers made a
night-assault on them in which Malik Kaji Chak, Regi Chak and Mir Sayyid Ibrahim
again suffered a defeat and were forced to retreat towards the Indian mountains.
After the Goori Marg victory, Mirza Haidar strengthened
his bonds of unity with Malik 'Idi Raina and Husain Magray. In spite of Mirza
Haider's managing to capture power and authority of government, Nazuk Shah
continued to be the titular king. For some time, coins - dinar - continued to be
struck in his name; Mirza Haidar could not strike the coins in his name.
Kaji Chak dies
In the year A.H. 951 (A.D. 1544), 23rd of Jumada
alUkhra, Malik Kaji Chak died of fever at a place near Dana Kala (Gala) in
India.[l03] The date of his death was found in the phrase faut-e sardar. With
the passing away of this intrepid commander, who, in truth, may be called the
king of the clan of Chaks, disanity and ccnfusion spread in his tribe and
Mirza Haidar now let loose oppression which sprang from
his fanaticism. He did not conceal his enmity towards the lovers of the house of
Prophet and the adherents of 'Ali, the saint of God (waliu'llah). His rabid
fanaticism and deepseated malice touched such proportions that he issued an
order to destroy the holy khanqah of Mir Shamsu'd-Din' 'Iraqi and started
killing Muslims and the faithful.[l04] On the 8th of Zil Dhu'l-Hijja, A.H. 955
(A.D. 1548), Hazrat Rishi  was martyred.
Shaykh Daniyal's execution
In A.H. 956 (A.D. 1549), he (Mirza Haidar) left for
Tibet where he arrested Shaykh Daniyal and brought him back as his captive; for
nearly a year, he was enchained in prison and subjected to physical torture. A
sum of one thousand five hundred gold coins (ashrafis) was also exacted from
him. In order to put an end to the reproaches and accusations of Abdu'r-Rashid
Khan, he (Mirza Haidar) decided to put an end to his (Daniyal's) life. He
summoned Shaykh Fathu'llah to his presence and told him to fabricate false
witnesses and the proofs against Shaykh Daniyal. That ungodly ( Khuhuda na tars
) fellow made strenuous efforts and bribed for this purpose some corrupt and
wicked people, whose decrees in matters of religion were hardly tenable and
whose moral dispensations were hardly popular. Some of the persons were induced
to depose that he announced rafz (abandoning of faith), and showed disrespect to
men of faith. Some other vouched for the honesty and irreproachable conduct of
the witnesses. Thus under the decrees of the Qadis of the time, namely Qadi
Habib, Qadi Ibrahim and Qadi Abdu'l-Ghaffur, he was martyred on 24th of Safar,
A.H. 957 (A.D. 1550). Some of his associates found the date of this event in the
phrase dasht-i Kerbala. In the darkness of the night, a devotee of the innocent
martyr hid his severed head at some unknown place and, on the next day, another
devotee removed his body in a boat and buried it at some other place. After the
murder of Mirza Haidar, the severed head and body of Shaykh Daniyal were put
together and reburied in the shrine of Amir Shamsu'd-Din Muhammad 'Iraqi.
It is strange that Mirza Haidar should have considered it in the interest of the
state to put him to death. During the days when his death sentence was under
consideration, Mulla 'Abdullah made an attempt to dissuade Mirza Haidar from
committing such an act, but Haidar told him that the beheading of the Shaykh was
justified in the interests of the state and its integrity and for the security
of his government. He further told him that accusations and defamation levelled
by Rashid Khan against him could be silenced only by putting him to death.
Muhammad Kot besieged
In truth, the murder of that innocent man was the cause
of the downfall of Mirza Haidar and the destruction of his regime.  Shortly
afterwards, there sprang in his mind a desire to send a oontingent of Mughal
troops to Muhammad Kot.[l08] For this purpose, Qara Bahadur Mirza was given
a contingent of about one thousand Mughal and Kashmiri soldiers and by the
end of the month of Ramadan in the aforesaid year, he marched towards Muhammad
Kot via Baramulla. Malik 'Idi Raina joined hands with Nazuk Shah and Khwaja
Hajji (Banday), and managed to win the cooperation of the brothers and followers
of Husain Magray; the strategy was to find a narrow and steep passage where he
would lie in ambush, and strike at the Mughal troops and destroy them.  On
reaching Muhammad Kot, they found that its passes and difficult paths were
highly suited to their purpose. On the 13th of Shawwal, in the aforesaid
year. all the Kashmiri commanders and their rank and file took positions
atop the mountain heights. Some of the princes were provided with additional
reinforcements from the local highlanders and were deputed to seal the passes
leading to the valley.
In the early hours of one particular morning, groups of
fearless warriors and veterans of battlefields swooped upon the Mughal soldiers
and made a fierce attack, and both sides got engaged in fighting. The warriors
on either side exhibited feats of remarkable bravery, especially in the use of
arrows and muskets (tufak) The Mughal soldiers continued their strike and
displayed their bravery in fighting the Kashmiris but were compelled to flee
towards Bahrel. This marked the beginning of the end of Mughal rule in
Kashmir. For nearly one farsakh (three miles), the Kashmiris chased the fleeing
Mughal soldiers, inflicting heavy casualties upon them. Kashmiri commanders gave
up the chase after a distance of one farsakh but Keecham Khan, along with his
highland soldiers (Khahan I Khasas), pursued the Mughals right up to Bahrel,
hoping that he would be able to capture horses and other equipment of the
Qara Bahadur defeated
On reaching Bahrel, the fleeing Mughal troops sought
refuge in its fort, which Keecham Khan along with the Khahis found it
difficult to besiege; hence he conveyed to 'Idi Raina and the Kashmiri nobles
that four to five hundred fully armed Mughal warriors had reached Bahrel and had
arrived at their destination in safety. If they ( 'Idi Raina and his troops)
headed towards Poonch, the Mughal soldiers would be left with no alternative but
to take the road to Kashmir and rejoin Mirza Haidar.
Malik 'Idi Raina was about to leave Muhammad Kot for
Poonch when this news was brought to him. Thus the entire Kashmir army felt
perturbed and discomfited by the thought that should that group [of the Mughals]
succeed in rejoining Mirza Haidar, the prospect would be too disturbing for
them. However, they took a decision as a result of which Shams Malik and Naji
Malik Muhammad Khan and Husain Magray and the sons of Khwaja Hajji, each with
his respective contingent, agreed to proceed to Bahral. Malik 'Idi Raina,
along with other commanders and troops, headed towards Poonch. The fort at
Bahral in which the Mughal soldiers had taken refuge was besieged. Finding that
the Kashmiri army, assisted by the Khahis, had swollen in number, the Mughal
commanders, namely, Qara Bahadur, Qutb Ali Koka and Muhammad Nazar became
disheartened and decided to initiate negotiations with the Kashmiris, but some
of their commanders like Sayyid Mirza, Mirza Ali Koka, Daulat Koka, Qutb Ali
Diwana and others did not agree to this. They argued that for many years the
Kashmiris had been drawing up plans of annihilating them and had now united to
achieve this purpose. Since they were determined to spill their blood, their
conciliatory talk would not make them kind towards them. They proposed that
those of the Mughal soldiers who had been gifted with bravery, might accompany
them on their way to the land of Ghakkars, and those who were timid and cowardly
might choose to go with Qara Bahadur. Next morning, Qara Bahadur took a group of
Mughal soldiers with him to contact the Kashmiris to enter into negotiations
with them. They had just reached the camp of Kashmiri army when the hosts of
Khahis and Kashmiri foot-soldiers fell upon them, plundered their equipment and
possessions and started killing them.
While the Mughal troops [of Qara Bahadur] were under an
attack, Sayyid Mirza took with him a group of soldiers, came out of the fort and
brandishing their swords marched towards the land of Ghakkars. While the other
Mughal contingent was being routed [by the Kashmiris], they fled about a mile
away and the Kashmiris were not able to pursue them. No doubt a body of
highlanders (Khuhis) was sent in their pursuit, but it could reach nowhere close
to them. The result was hat the group succeeded in arriving in safety at Adam
Sultan from where it dispersed [in different directions].
Kashmiri troops slew some of the Mughal soldiers, took
others as prisoners, and headed towards Poonch. On joining the troops of Malik 'Idi
Raina the commanders held consultations, whereupon it was agreed that three
persons among the captives, namely Qara Bahadur, Qutb 'Ali Koka and Muhammad
Nazar be detained. They amputated the hands of the rest of the Mughal soldiers
who numbered about sixty. As a result of this action, some of these soldiers
succumbed to wounds at Poonch and some others got scattered in the adjoining
Malik 'Idi Raina proceeded to Kashmir via the Hirpur
route and managed to seek the goodwill and cooperation of Mir Sayyid Ibrahim
Khan and Ghazi Khan. He despatched messengers to Malik Daulat Chak entreating
him to come over from Nowshehr. Himself he entered the valley from Hirpur. A day
later, Malik Daulat Chak also arrived. [In this way] very large number of
Kashmiri soldiers gathered to initiate deliberations about finding the ways and
means of forcing entry into the city.
Mirza Haidar killed
Mirza Haidar also held consultations with his advisers
and aids at that time. A Mughal contingent was left behind at Andarkol (Andarkot)
to guard his womenfolk. With a force of about a thousand horsemen, besides
a number of Kashmiri soldiers, he proceeded to face the Kashmiri army. Let it
not remain unknown that, since the wheel of destiny had started moving against
Mirza Haidar and the stars promised no favour to him, his troops, in whatever
part of Kashmir they were suffered severe reverses and were routed. Mulla Qasim
and Mulla Baqi were among his senior and high-ranking commanders who had been
holding Tibet under their control. At a time when winter was at its peak, the
people of Tibet rose unitedly to put Mulla Qasim and a large number of his
troops to the sword. Mulla Baqi fled to Kashmir and joined Mirza Haidar
when the latter was about to leave Andarkol. The news of the revolt of the
Tibetans was in no way less than an insult added to injury. Mulla 'Abdullah,
Samarqandi, another prominent person of a high rank and a Mughal noble of Mirza
Haidar, who had been assigned the task of capturing Pakhli lands also met with
defeat. On learning about the reverses that befell the Mughals at Muhammad Kot,
he lost heart, and withdrew towards Kashmir. On reaching Baramulla, he fell in
the hands of a few ungodly[l20] men and was murdered. Mirza Haidar reached the
city and learnt of his death, which added to his grief:
[ verses ]
Despite these depressing reverses and disconcerting
debacles, Mirza Haidar was steadily drawing nearer and nearer to a battle with
the Kashmiris. He encamped at the village of Wahthore. Kashmiri army also
came closer to Mirza Haidar's troops; with its headquarters at Khampore, it
clung to the stronghold of Mahnor. Mirza Haidar held consultations with
such of his commanders and seniors as were of proven ability and judgement
regarding military tactics in fighting Kashmiris. Their considered opinion was
to launch a night-assault to take the enemy by surprise. On the very night
the Kashmiri troops made a halt in the fort, Mirza Haidar picked a well-equipped
body of seven to eight hundred soldiers for this purpose. They made a forward
dash till they reached the foot of the fort and then halted for a while. Not
more than thirty horsemen, including Mirza Haidar, ascended the hill and, even
out of this handful of Mughal troops, only seven or eight could stand by the
side of Mirza Haidar, who, without loss of time, engaged himself in close
fighting and killing. As God willed it, the same night - 8th of Dhu'l-Qa'da,
A.H. 957 (A.D. 1550), Mirza Haidar sustained a fatal blow of lance from Kamal
Dooni and was killed.  The entire Mughal contingent fled towards Andarkol.
Habib Khan's incursion
Mirza Haidar held the reins of the government of
Kashmir for ten years. After his disappearance from the scene, Malik 'Idi Raina
assumed power in the same year and installed Nazuk Shah on the throne as the
Sultan of Kashmir at Qasr-i Sultan. However, it was practically he who ruled the
country. During his times Habib Khan Niyazi in alignment with his brave
brethren, emerged from the mountains of Jammu with the intention of conquering
Kashmir.[l26] Malik Daulat Chak received this information and forthwith
assembled his commanders and Khwaja Hajji and marched towards Banihal to resist
him. But both Malik 'Idi Raina and Hussain Magray deliberately slackened their
pace. Malik Daulat wasted no time and, moving at full speed, took position at
the top of Kakarniku [sic]. They could see bonfires in each other's camps.
Malik Daulat Chak deployed his troops on two sides to
force a baltle on the enemy. Next day, from morning till the commencement of
afternoon prayers, fierce fighting took place between them. Although in bravery
and valour [the forces of Niyazi] had no parallel in the entire kingdom of
India, yet, under the dictates of destiny, they gave up all hope of their
survival. Even though they were but a handful of people, they fought against an
overwhelming majority of nearly ten thousand Kashmiri troops, including their
highland allies from early morning till the afternoon. At last they were
unnerved by the wounds inflicted on them by a relentless shower of arrows and
musket shots in the battle. Except two of their men, all of them were slain.
Kashmiri commanders carried to Malik Daulat Chak the severed heads of Habib
Khan, Sa'eed Khan, and Shahbaz Khan.  In return, Daulat Chak sent these to
Salim Shah in India. Then a letter and report were to be drafted and sent to
Salim Shah, he (Daulat Chak) did not take Shams Chak and Naji Malik into
confidence, who had been his associates before they joined Malik 'Idi Raina.
Their earlier jealousy and malice were intensified by this. The clan of the
Chaks became haughty and tyrannical by this victory and they now aspired to gain
control over the kingdom of Kashmir. On entering the valley, they held a
conferance with Malik 'Idi Raina, in the pargana of Vernag. Husain Magray had
not yet arrived on the scene when Malik Raina came down and began to draw plans
for destroying the Chaks.
He, thereupon, combined with himself the militant
people of Kupwara, the Magrays, the Baihaqi Sayyids, and all the people who were
men of substance and influence. In the month of Ramadan, A.H. 958 (A.D. 1551),
he launched his scheme of destroying the Chak power. One night Shams Malik, Naji
Malik and Khwaja Hajji, in alliance with Bahram Chak and Yusuf Chak, took
with themselves a group of the members of their clan and destroyed the bridges
in the city. Malik Daulat Chak and Ghazi Khan offered resistance and succeeded
in capturing Mir Sayyid Ibrahim Khan and Husain Magray. The rest ot the group
escaped to join Malik Idi Raina. After a few days, Fath Malik, Nasi [sic] Malik
and Yusuf Chak combined to confront Daulat Chak. A day later, Malik Daulat
crossed the lake and headed towards them. Malik 'Idi Raina was defeated[l29] and
fled from the battlefield. He hid himself in the Shumeh Nag jungle where he
was taken ill and later brought to the city. He died a few days later.
Assessment of Mirza Haidar
Behold the perfidy of the treacherous world that the
ungodly Mirza Haidar should have, under the pretext of expediency, let the onus
of Shaykh Daniyal's murder[l31] fall on him, given bribes to false witnesses,
made Mulla Fathu'llah to commit perjury and martyred Shaykh Daniyal. Wilfully,
he made himself responsible for shedding the blood of that respected and
innocent man so that the material world and its comforts might endure with him.
After the martyrdom of Shaykh Daniyal, he did not survive for more than nine
months. Similarly, Malik 'Idi Raina strovs to spill the blood of the Mughals
with the sole intention of holding sway over the kingdom of Kashmir for some
time, but he did not survive for more than a year, after the death of the Mirza:
[ verses ]
In short, after Malik 'Idi Raina, Malik Daulat Chak
became the governor and administrative head of this country in the year A.H. 958
(A.D. 1551). He was kind to Mir Sayyid Ibrahim Khan: he set him free, and in
order to strengthen his own position as head of the government, he entered into
a matrimonial alliance with him.
Daulat Chak's achievements
During the period of his administration, this noble
Malik did certain things such as the construction of two holy shrines which
shall certainly win him good name in this world and salvation in the next. One
of these is that in spite of sharing the realm of Kashmir with 'Idi Raina, he
allowed the bier of Shaykh Daniyal to be brought into the city. As it reached
near the city, word was sent around in advance so that the faithful and the
davout came out to receive it. At this time, Malik Daulat happened to be at
Idgah with Malik Idi Raina and Ghazi Khan. On learning about the news of the
bier Malik 'Idi Raina got up and left for his house in disgust. Fearing the
opposition and enmity of Malik 'Idi Raina, Ghazi Khan rose in opposition to
Malik Daulat and left for his residence. Malik Daulat Chak summoned all his
courage and came out of the 'Idgah to proceed to the site where the coffin had
been lowered. He took a boat and was rowed down the river in the city to receive
the bier . The dead body [ of Shaykh Daniyal ] was buried in the graveyard of
his illustrious father ; the place became a shrine for the devotees and the
Another work of Daulat Chak worth mentioning is that he
rebuilt the khanqah of Amir Shamsud-Din Muhammad 'Iraqi which Mirza Haidar
Gorkan had fully destroyed because of his bigotry. By completing the
reconstruction of the holy shrine in A.H. 959 (A.D. 1551), he helped in its
restoration to prosperity. Out of the old endowments he earmarked a few villages
for the maintenance of the children and descendants of Shamsu'd-Din 'Iraqi. He
gave stipends and scholarships to the attendants and devout inmates of the
shrine. Thus that holy khanqah resumed once again its previous prosperity and
was frequented by the 'People of Forty,' (arba'in).[l33] It was also marked by a
revival of Islamic laws and fundamental modes of worship by the believers and by
the chanting of special Friday prayers and holding of congregations and all
other formalities of 'repetitive prayers.' On account of Mirza Haidar's total
reiection of Noor Bakhshiyyeh and Hamadaniyyeh orders, he effaced their traces
in the length and breadth of this country. For eight years, none of the citizens
or aliens in this land could even bring to his lips the name of these orders.
Owing to his fierce bigotry, people could not even speak of the faith they
professed. He forbade the inhabitants of this land to profess the Shafi'i faith.
He issued orders to all the subjects in the state to adopt Hanafi faith and
proclaimed that all the religions and beliefs other than that of Hanafi faith be
discarded and done away with.
Another laudable achievement of Daulat Chak was to
revive the Hamadani order and to give it a firm footing. He extended
support and help to Baba Hasan to build a Khanqah and a house for the devotees
who would retire therein during lent. He made untiring efforts to patronize and
propagate Hamadaniyyeh order. He brought together the surviving dervishes and
sufis of this order living in different parts of the land, and made them recite
prayers for forty days ('arba'in). He revived the customs and practices of the
Hamadaniyyeh order and the Noor Bakhshiyyeh sect. He issued a writ throughout
this land that all citizens and aliens were free to profess any faith they
wished and that no one could either dictate or obstruct others in this matter.
Baba Hasan had visited many attractive places, and
selected Hasan Abad for his burial and for raising a tomb. The fortunate Malik
bought lands and gardens in the aforesaid locality by making cash payment out of
his private funds to their owners.  The coffin of Hazrat Baba was brought
to the locality and he was buried there. Malik Daulat issued orders for the
repair and development of those places. The grounds were levelled and the site
beautified to make it attractive and endearing to pilgrims and lovers of the
faith. He ordered the construction of a spacious and lofty khanqah. Each of the
sons of Hazrat Baba undertook the constructicn of houses and dwelling places at
Hasan Abad where the descendants, relatives, and the kinsmen of the Baba took up
their residence. This was another laudable achievement of Malik Daulat Chak.
Owing to the threats and intimidations from Mirza
Haidar and the fears he aroused, none of the inhabitants of this land had the
courage even to mention the names of the Innocent Imams. The mullas of this land
had misled and misguided them to such an extent that people never took the names
of the Twelve Imams. The mullas had told them that it was a sin and
sacrilege to do so. The citizens and the aliens in this land were ignorant of
the names and the story of the innocent Imams, and the members of the lofty
house of the Prophet to such an appalling extent that once when Husain Shah
enquired of Qadi Habib in an assembly the names of Imams, he could name the
Commander of the Faithful (Ali), Imam Hasan, Imam Husain and then he knew of no
other name except that of Imam Ja'far-i Sadiq. He knew nothing of their lives
and history, and of their exalted status. The entire assembly was taken aback by
his ignorance and indifference.
During the period of his government, Malik Daulat Chak
issued an order that the homily (khutba) in the name of the Twelve Imams be read
in the Jami' mosque.[l37] In this way this practice, observed during the
life-time of Amir Shamsu'd-Din 'Iraqi, was revived and followed in the Jami'
mosque prayers and elsewhere. People began to ask for the history of the
Innocent Imams. It is fervently hoped that the rewards for such noble deeds and
actions will become the instruments of salvation for that man of excellent
It may also be mentioned that up to the time of the
government of Daulat Chak, Sultan Nazuk Shah continued to be the king of this
country in accordance with the prevailing practice of kingship and Sultanate.
But during the times of the said Malik he was deposed and forced to go to the
Indian mountains. In his place, Isma'il Shah was installed on the throne.
Malik Daulat Chak's government did not last beyond four
years during which he and Ghazi Khan came into conflict with each other several
times. However, they resolved their differences through conciliation. After four
years, some of his uncles and near or distant relatives joined hands to cause
estrangement between Malik Daulat Chak and Ghazi Khan. They instigated Husain
Malik, the brother of Daulat Chak, to capture him on the first of the month of
Dhu'l-Hijja, A.H. 962 (A.D. 1554) on the lake of Phak.[l38] When once Malik
Daulat Chak went for a shikar, he learnt about the ill-intentions of his rivals
; he left the boat and went up the Phak mountains. Ghazi Khan despatched
his troops to all parts of the domain in search of him and finally captured
him. The group of people responsible for creating disorder in the state
dinned into the ear of Husain Chak that Ghazi Khan was disposed to let Malik
Daulat live safely. Two days later, he was misled into gouging out the eyes of
Malik Daulat Chak. How tragic that such a goodnatured person should have been
tortured in a manner that he was virtually put on the road to death!
[ Subsequent to this event ] Sayyid Ibrahim Khan was
deprived of his servants and establishment and his son Mir Sayyid Mubarak Khan
was installed in his position.
1. One trak is approximately five kilograms.
2. This gesture reflected his wisdom to win over people
to strengthen his religious mission. Shuka gives his name as Kanchana Chakresha
or Kacha Chakra and says that he was an incarnation of Indra and Vishnu. See J.
C. Dutt (tr.) pp. 347-48, 351.
3. Perhaps Chaks alone could restore order in the
country at that time.
4. It was located at Iskandarpora. See THK. p. 224.
5. Hasan says that the nobles and commanders of the
time became his adversaries because of his religion. See THK. p. 224.
6. Hasan describes his death in this manner: During his
flight, he reached the village of Rawalpora where his neck got entangled in the
branches of a vine. He fell from his horse, and as he frantically tried to
disentangle himself, the horse gave him a nasty kick on his head which broke his
skull and scattered his brains on the ground. THK. p.224.
7. According to Malik Haidar, many leading Dangars were
also killed in this rebellion.See TMH. MS. f. 45b.
8. Hasan says that they had been overpowared and
therefore were forced to flee to India. THK p 225. But Malik Haidar says that
Fath Shah stopped at Hirpur. See TMH MS. f 45b.
9. The text is incorrect. Malik Uthman was in prison.
10. Hasan says that he was the son of Sayyid Muhammad
Baihaqi. THK. p. 225.
11. This sentence can be interpreted in more than one
12. Muhammad Shah conferred upon Sayyid Ibrahim the
title of Khan for his bravery. See THK. p. 226.
13. Hasan says that Shankar Raina was made commander of
the army. THK. p. 226.
14. The hillock on the right bank of Wular lake, and
situated between Khuihama and Zenagir.
15. This is obviously a sarcastic reference.
16. Mir Shamsu'd-Din 'Iraqi called his followers
dervishes, sufis and faqirs. See Tohfat MS. passim
17. In Hasan it is Tos Maidan. See THK. p. 227.
18. Probably the Anchar lake.
19. This could be Akhal. See THK. p. 227.
20. By dervish, the author probably means Shamsu'd-Din
21. The year is A.H. 920/A.D. 1514.
22. Hasan writes that Ibrahim Magray did not at all
trust the promises and pledges of Kashmiri nobles. He considered Muhammad Shah
and Fath Shah like pawns on a chessboard, and handled them as he liked. See THK.
23. It could probably be Par. Hassan writes that
Jehangir Padar deserted Muhammad Shah and joined Habib Khan. THK. p. 229. This
is also corroborated by Malik Haidar, TMH. MS. f. 46a.
24. These are the followers of Shamsu'd-Din 'Iraqi and
members of the Nurbakhshiyyeh order.
25. Pargana Bengil. See THK. p. 229.
26. They were Malik Feroz and Malik Abdal. THK. p. 229.
27. The Lodhi ruler of India. See also TIIK. p. 230.
28. Malik Haidar and Hasan estimate the number around
thirty thossand soldiers. See TMH. MS. f. 46b and THK. p. 230.
29. Hasan's version is Wathora plains in Rajor which is
not correct. See THK. p. 230.
30. Malik Haidar says that letters of submission to
Muhammad Shah were also sent by Kaji Chak, Malik Serang (Sarhang) and Malik
Nusrat Chadura. See TMH MS. f. 46b.
31. On receiving these reassuring letters of support,
Muhammad Shah sent back the Indian troops. See TMH. f. 40b.
32. Malik Shankar Chadura and not Malik Nusrat Chadura.
See TMH. MS. f 47a.
33. Malik Haidar says that under some pretext he was
detained at Nowshehr. See TMH. MS. f. 47a.
34. Hasan has recorded a tragic happening connected
with the severity of that particular winter. Nearly ten thousand Pandits met
with their death while going to Harmukat Ganga to immerse the ashes of their
dead. At the top of Mahalesheh Marg mountain, they rose at midnight and
following a call from the invisible moved along a wrong track which led to steep
precipice named Heprudan [sic] from which they fell down one after another and
were killed. The dead included men. women and children. The date of this event
has been recorded in this chronogram:
az bayaban kashideh sar tarikh
ghull gufta tabahi-e Panditan.
which yields the year A.H. 925/A.D.1519. THK. p. 230.
35. Hasan says that Fath Shah died in A.H. 925/A.D.
1519, somewhere in Nowshehra mountains and the cap of 'Mir Sayyid 'Ali Hamadani
which had remained in the possession of the Sultans from the times of Qutbu'd-Din
was buried with the dead body of Fath. The year of this event was found in the
chronogram Fath Shah fana (A.H. 925) A.D. 151. See THK. p. 232.
36. Tenth day of the month of Muharram. There is a
short reference to the massacre of Hindus in Shuka's Chronicle. He writes,
"Now in times gone by Shiryya a twiceborn had planted -----as it were the
creeper of his karma. On the approach of winter ------ it was watered by the
good Brahmana Shri Nirmmalakantha. Then at the time of the mlechcha oppression,
Kanthabhatta and others held a council and was able to avert the disgrace which
such oppression beget. Khujjamerahmada, on the other hand, by devoting his life
to the service of Kacha Chakra and by giving him wealth, induced him, who was
alarmed at the work of Nirmmalakantha and others, to give him permission to act
against them; and actuated by the mlechchas, caused them to be murdered. ~ ~ ~ O
Brahmanas where in this Kaliyuga are your Brahmanical spirit and practice ? It
was for want of these that the sorrowful and affrighted Nirmmalakantha and
others were killed. The oppression of the Mausulas which began in the time of
the Saidas (Sayyids) was made prominent by Somachandra (Musa Raina -translator's
inference) and was perfected by Kaka (Kacha) Chakra." The Rajatangini of
Jonaraja, tr. J. C. Dutt, Delhi, 1986. pp. 353-54.
37. At Pampore. See THK. p. 232.
38. Both Hasan and Malik Haidar say that it was Dardu.
See THK p.232 and TMH.MS f 47b 39.Malik 'Idi Chadura. TMH. MS. f. 47b.
40. Hasan says that it was fought at Shihabu'd-Din Pora.
THK. p. 233.
41. Throughout the text ab is used for lake or pond and
nahr or nahr-i-shahr for the river Jhelum.
42. Hasan says that he sued for peace and then withdrew
to Panjab. See THK. p. 233. Malik Haidar says that Iskandar Khan and his allies
concluded truce with Kaji Chak. See TMH MS. f 48a.
43. Hasan says that it happened in Tsereh-Vudar
fortress. The reason for their revolt was the autocratic style of Kaji Chak's
administration. He did not care even for Sultan Muhammad Shah. See THK. p. 233.
44. It is not clear what compelled them to leave the
city and go to Lar. It could possibly be due to their initial reverses.
45. It is significant that instead of befriending the
generals of Babur, he decided to resist them. One cannot be sure whether he did
it out of political expediency or because of his feeling of belonging to a local
polity. The latter seems to be more probable because it is a fact that the Chaks
though of non-Kashmiri origin identified themselves with the Kashmiris. It is
also significant that the attitude of Chaks towards the Kashmiris is different
from that of the Baihaqi Sayyids. The latter, according to the present
chronicler, looked upon the Kashmiris as their servants. No such thing has been
said about the Chaks. Shrivara says, "...they (Sayyids) regarded the people
of Kashmir scarcely even as grass". The Rajatarangini of Jonaraja, (tr.)
.T. C. Dutt, Delhi, 1986, p. 252.
46. Hasan's version is that Kaji Chak sent only two
sons: Ghazi Khan and Husain Khan. See THK. p. 234. Malik Haidar's version is
that he sent Husain Khan and two other persons. See TMH. MS. f. 48b.
47. Hasan does not mention this exploit of Ghazi Khan.
He narrates the following story about Husain Khan: He forced his way into the
tent of Shaykh 'Ali Beg and dealt three successive strokes of his sword at him.
The first stroke was warded off by 'Ali Beg by shielding himself with a cushion,
which, however, was cut into two; the second by shielding himself with a
metallic tray, and when the third stroke was about to be delivered, 'Ali Beg hid
himself under a bedstead and begged for his life. See THK. p. 234.
48. The combination of the Turki and Mughal perhaps
implies the soldiers speaking Turkish and Chaghatai languages.
49. Hasan says that he died a few days later and was
buried at Zaldagar. THK. p. 234.
50. The site of ancient Krtyasrama Vihara. See Rajat .
51. Hasan says that Ibrahim Shah was the son of Kaj
Chak's sister. See THK. p. 235.
52. Neither Hasan nor Haidar Malik has mentioned the
name of Hasan Khan.
53. Hasan puts their number at twenty thousand. See THK.
p. 235, but Narayan Koul Ajiz says that they were only eight thousand. THK. MS.
54. Juel (?). This place could not be identified. Its
correct version could not be established.
55. The author's use of the word 'Kashmiri' at this
place does not mean Sanskrit language as stated earlier. There is historical
evidence to prove that by this time colloquial Kashmiri language was in use.
56. Onc more name in the list of Kaji Chak's fallen
warriors is of Masihi [sic] Chak. See THK. p. 236.
57. According to Hasan he and his allies, Ghazi Chak
and Daulat Chak were put in chains. THK. p. 236.
58. Hasan says that they fled to the land of Ghakhars.
59. The statement is corroborated by Malik Haidar. ,
See THK. MS. f. 49b.
60. The immediate reason of Kamran's incursion into
Kashmir is not known. Hasan says that since Kashmir had no powerful governing
authority, the neighbouring rulers coveted the land. THK. p. 237.
61. Mahram Beg Tashliqi and Shaykh Ali Beg Uzbek. See
THK. p. 237.
be hukm-i padshahi kez harimash
be fahm asan shawad tafhim-i ferdaws
sofar kardam be su-i mulk-i Kashmir
kih az khubi dihad ta'lim-i ferdaws
chu kardam fath-e nim-e u be tarikh
khirad gufta kih fath-e nim-e ferdaws.
fath-e nim-e ferdaws yields A.H. 938 /A.D. 1531.
63. Southern quarter of Srinagar between Pampora and
64. Hasan locates it at present-day Gupkar. See THK. p.
238. For more details see Rajat. ii, 290 and 454.
65. He sued for safety. See TMH. f. 50a
66. Hasan says that Lohar Magray was also one of the
shareholders and his headquarters were at Bengil. See THK. p. 239.
67. At Kichhama not Bengil. See THK. p. 239.
68. Sa'id Khan in TMH MS. f. 50a and THK. p. 239.
69. Hasan says that he was a nephew (sister's son) of
Sultan Sayyid (Sa'id ?) Khan. THK. p. 240. The number of Mirza Haidar's troops
has been estimated at fourteen thousand soldiers and seven thousand horses.
Describing the chaos caused by the Kashgharian troops in Kashmir, Hasan writes
that people fled their homes and hid in caves and remote gorges. Men of learning
and scholarship and of respectable status retired to the island of Lank in Wular
lake. The nobles shut themselves up in the fortress of Hanjeek. See THK. p. 240.
70. Malik Haidar says that they hid themselves in the
fort at Tsereh Vudar. See TMH. MS. f .50a.
71. It is interesting to note that the Turki soldiers
are considered by the author as irreligious though Islam had made a footing in
Central Asia ( Kashghar, Khotan etc.) much earlier than in Kashmir. The epithet
'Islamic City' for Srinagar has been used for the first time in this chronicle.
72. The island was raised bv Sultan Zainu'l-'Abidin .
See pp. 71-72 Supra.
73. Near the present-day town of Matan. The town was
built by Raja Ram Dev. The plains of Kabul and Bagh-iSuleyman figured in an
encomlum which the Qadi of Kashghar composed in praise of their victory in
Kashmir. It runs as this:
kez maqdamash shud sarsabz-o khurram
sehra-i Babul Baghi Suleyman.
See THK pp. 178 and 242.
74. It seems necessary to point out why the Kashmiri
commanders were forced to invoke the teachings and traditions of Islam because
it is unusual that decrees had to be obtained from men learned in Islamic
theology for purposes of fighting. The possible reason is that Turks were of
Sunni faith whereas most of the Kashmiri nobles professed Shia' faith. In order
to win over the Sunnis of Kashmir and register their support in fighting the
Turks, the Kashmiri commanders felt it necessary to get the decrees issued which
justified their fighting and killing Turki (Muslim) soldiers.
75. For its ancient history, see Rajat. ii, 465.
76. 'and' (wa) in the text.
77. See note 73 supra.
78. Hasan says daughter. THK. p. 242.
79. The date of this event in Hasan is 10th of Har, the
14th year of Kashmiri calendar. THK. p. 242.
80. A.H. 941/A.D. 1534. THK. p. 243.
81. One kharwar is approximately eighty kilograms.
82. He was the second son of Muhammad Shah and son-inlaw
of Kaji Chak. THK. p. 244.
83. Zenu/Zeti ?
84. Ghakkar mountains. See THK. p. 244.
86. Identified as Adam Khan Ghakkar. See THK. p. 244n.
87. Hasan writes that through Mirza Haidar and Khwaja
Hajji Banday they conveyed to Humayun Padshah the details regarding the
domination of the followers of Shams Iraqi and propagation of Shia' faith in
Kashmir and submitted a copy of Ahwat written by Shams 'Iraqi. They requested
for reform (islah) in religion and also for troops. THK. p. 248. Malik Haidar
writes that Malik Abdal Magray and Malik Regi Chak brought Mirza Haidar
Kashghari from the court of Humayun. TMH. MS. f. 52b.
88. Hasan writes that Mirza Hindal and other nobles
advised Humayun against deciding to proceed to Kashmir. However, on the instance
of the Kashmiri nobles and of his own wish, Mirza Haidar took leave of Humayun
and with a contingent of four hundred troops proceeded to help the Magrays. See
THK. p. 249 and Mirza Haidar's Tarikh-iRashidi, p. 479.
89. The author makes no allusion to any fighting
between the troops of Kaji Chak and Mirza Haidar. Perhaps it is because Malik
Haidar says, "he had no strength for resistance." See TMH. MS. f. 52b
and THK. p. 249.
90. Hasan says that Kaji Chak gave him his niece, the
daughter of Sultan Muhammad Shah, in marriage, but there is no mention of this
either in the history of Malik Haidar or of Mirza Haidar Dughlat. See THK. p.
91. Hasan says that it was Adil Khan. THK. p. 250.
92. It is five thousand soldiers in Hasan. THK p 250.
93. Should be Andarkot, the well-known fort of Hindu
period in the village of the same name at the site of ancient Jayapur. See Rajat.
94. Zalsu in TMH. MS. f. 53a.
95. Malik Haidar writes that in this battle Malik
Muhammad Naji Chadura shot an arrow at Mirza Haidar's horse which wounded the
animal seriously and Mirza Haidar had to abandon it and take another horse. See
TMH. MS. f. 53a.
96. This story does not figure in the histories of
Hasan and Malik Haidar Chadura.
97. Mirza Haidar succeeded in winning the support of
Malik Muhammad Naji through the latter's relative named 'Idi Raina. See TMH. MS.
98. The son of Mir Shamsu'd-Din 'Iraqi. THK. p. 255.
99. It could not even be Kamaraj because Kamaraj was a
pargana and not a village.
100. There are conflicting versions about Shaykh
Daniyal's movement from Tibet to Kashmir. Malik Haidar says that initially he
had fled to Tibet because he feared Haidar. Later Haidar gave him a promise and
brought him to this place. But soon after arriving in Kashmir, Haidar went back
on his word and he was put to the sword. Hasan's version is that Daniyal
propagated his faith in Askardu. Mirza Haidar brought him to this place after
reproaching him severely and put him in prison for one year. Later, on the
strength of a few witnesses, Daniyal was charged with cursing the companions of
the Prophet (sabh-i suhabah-ikabir bar u thabit kard). Qadi Ibrahim and Qadi
'Abdul Ghaffur issued a decree against him and he was put to the sword. See TMH.
MS. f. 54a and THK. p. 255.
101. A.H. 951 (A.D. 1544) in THK. p. 252.
102. Present-day Gulmarg.
103. Thana in Rajouri in THK. p. 252.
104. The details about the plunder and persecution of
Shias destruction of their houses, burning of the khanqah and desecration of the
grave of Mir Shamsu'd-Din Iraqi, see THK. p. 254.
105. Shangli Rishl, a disciple of Baba Ali Najjar.
Another notable person executed was Sufi Dawud. Another person named Mir Ali was
expelled from Kashmir. See TMH. MS. f. 54a
106. See note 100 supra.
107. Hasan writes that the execution of Daniyal by
Mirza Haidar created a sense of insecurity among the people and Shias, in
particular, became more active in opposing him. See TMK. p. 255. Malik Haidar
records the story of one Baba Ali to prove Mirzai Haidar's partiality. He says
that such acts incurred him the hatred of Kashmiri commanders. They began to
conspire to put him to death. See TMH. MS. f 54b.
108. In the district of Poonch between the towns of
Poonch and Kotli See Gazetteer, p. 267.
109. A nephew of Mirza Haidar. See THK. p. 256.
110. Hasan's break up of the soldiers is 1000 Mughals
and 1500 Kashmiris. THK. p. 256.
111. Hasan writes that almost everybody induced him to
undertake this campaign. Malik Haidar writes that he sent 'Idi Raina towards the
Indian mountains. See THK. p. 256 and TMH. MS. f. 54b.
112. When Mirza Haidar was informed about it, he
retorted by saying that the Mughals in no way lagged behind the Kashmiris in
intrigues and fomenting trouble. The news of the betrayal was conveyed to him by
Hasan Magray through his brother Ali Magray. See THK. p. 256.
113. A.H. 957/A.D 1550.
114. Tufang in Persian means a musket.
115. See THK. p. 257.
116. See Rajat vii, 1271 and 1278. Hasan calls them
Ghakhars. See THF;. p. 258.
117. 'Idi Raina deputed five hundred soldiers under the
command of Shams Chak and Naji Malik to besiege the fort. However Hasan does not
comment on the strategy adopted by Kashmiri commanders to trap the Mughal
troops. See THK. p. 257.
118. Hasan writes that while Haidar camped at Zaldagar,
Fath Shah, with a strong force of three thousand soldiers proceeded to Andarkot
where he set Mirza Haidar's house on fire. As a retaliatory measure Mirza
Haidar's supporters burnt Sultan Zainu'l-'Abidin's buildings in Sopor. The
houses of 'Idi Raina and Nowroz Chak were also set on fire in the city. However,
Mirza Haidar did not approve of such acts. See THK. p. 258.
119. Many of his associates were put to the sword along
with him. THK. p. 259.
120. Khuda na tars in the text.
121. Zaldagar in THK. p. 258.
122. See Rajat. i, 168n.
123. Probably present Mahanor.
124. Mirza Haidar halted at Ompora. See TMH. MS. f.
125. Historians have given contradictory statements
about Mirza Haidar's end. He was struck by an arrow: killed by an accident;
murdered by a butcher with an axe . See THK. p. 260 and TMH. MS. f. 55b. Hasan
also writes that Daulat Chak, Ghazi Chak and others wanted to throw the dead
body of Mirza Haidar to dogs, but Sayyid Muhammad Baihaqi, Husain Magray, and
some more people of Sunni faith lifted the dead body five days after he was
murdered and buried it in the Mazar-i-Salatin on the left side of the grave of
The chronogram inscribed on the tombstone is as this:
Shah-i Gurkan Mirza Haidar akhir
be mulk-i shahadat zadeh kus-i shahi
qaza-e ilahi chunin bud tarikh
shudeh bahr-i waslash qaza-i ilahi
Malik Haidar writes that in spite of the misdeeds of
Mirza Haidar, the Kashmiri commanders magnanimously handed over his family
members to Qara Bahadur and gave them a courteous send-off to Kashghar. See TMH.
MS. f. 55b.
126. Hasan says that he was deputed by Salim Shah with
a strong force to conquer Kashmir. THK. p. 263. The name given in
Tabaqat-i-Akbari is Islam Shah, p. 620.
127. Among the slain was Azam Humayun, the wife of
Haibat Khan Niyazi. Tabaqat-i-Akbari. p. 620.
128. The Chaks of Kupwara professed Sunni faith. See
THK. p. 265.
129. Hasan exaggeratingly computes the number of the
dead in thousands. THK. p. 266.
130. In pargana Votar. THK. p . 266.
131. For the story of Shiekh Daniyal see note 100
132. Hasan writes that after the execution of Shaykh
Daniyal, his dead body was buried at a place called Shoonsh Mar. The popular
legend is that Shoonsh Mar existed somewhere near present Chadura. Later on the
body was buried in the graveyard of Mir Shams 'Iraqi. See THK. p. 267.
133. Fortieth day after the martyrdom of Imam Husain,
observed by the Shia' community. To make the devotees recite from the scripture
for forty days without break and ending with the fortieth day of Imam Husain's
martyrdom is called ba arba in nishandan.
134. The sufl / dervish order of which Mir Sayyid 'Ali
Hamadani was the founder.
135. Hasan writes that developed as well as undeveloped
lands around the locality were forcibly taken away from their owners and given
as a gift to Hasan Baba. This contradicts the statement of the chronicler. See
THK. p. 268.
136. Hasan writes that Daulat Chak oppressed the Hindus
and the people of Sunni faith and forced them to give up their religion. THK. p.
137. It is corroborated by Hasan. See THK. p. 268.
138. Probably Manasbal lake.
1399. The immediate reason for difference, between
Daulat Clnak and his rivals was that through deceit and cunning Daulat Chak
contrived his marriage with the second wife of Kaji Chak, who also happened to
be the mother of Ghazi Khan, Husain Khan and Ali Khan. This infuriated Ghazi
Khan and others. THK. p. 269.
140. He was captured by a shepherd who recognized him
because of his immense corpulence. Malik Haidar has recorded two interesting
stories about Daulat Chak's physical strength. When he went to Sher Shah Suri
for help, he demonstrated to him that he could stop an elephant from moving by
holding it by its tail. Another story is that during the construction of a
house, a log of wood, twenty yards in length and a yard thick slipped from the
hands of the labourers who were hauling it. The Malik held the big log with only
one hand and placed the other on the earth to support himself. Under the weight
of the log, his hand deepend upto the forearm into the earth . See TMH. M S. f.