Chapter 2: Integration of StatesThe Indian Princely States,
which formed peripheral salient of the British colonial organization in
India, were liberated from the British tutelage in 1947, when the British
quit India and the powers of Paramountcy they exercised over the States,
suffered dissolution. The British withdrawal was accompanied by the partition
of India and the creation of a separate Muslim state of Pakistan, constituted
of the Muslim majority provinces of Sind, North-western Frontier province,
Baluchistan, the Muslim majority districts of the Punjab and Bengal and
the Muslim majority division of Sylhat in Assam. However, the Indian States
were not subject to partition of India, and were left out of it as well
as liberated from the operatives of Paramountcy, which governed their relations
with the British and the Government of India. The lapse of Paramountcy
involved the dissolution of the obligations the British carried out in
regard to the States and the powers the British Crown exercised over them
and the British Government did not transfer Paramountcy to any of the successor
States in India, but resorted them to the Princes. The Prime Minister,
Clement Attlee, told the Parliament on the eve of the Indian independence:
As was explicitly stated by the Cabinet Mission
His Majesty Government do not intend to hand over their powers and obligations
under Paramountcy as a system to a conclusion earlier than the date of
the final transfer of power, but it is contemplated that for the intervening
period the relations of the Crown with the individual States may be adjusted
by agreement.
However, though the transfer of power underlined
the reversion of all the rights and powers of the Paramountcy to the Rulers
of the Indian States, the British Government did not accept to recognize
the States as independent dominions in India and declined to undertake
any obligation, which the Paramountcy entailed. Option was left open to
the Princes, by explicit stipulations incorporated in the provisions of
the partition scheme, to accede to either of the two dominions or enter
into such agreements among themselves or with the Dominions, as they would
determine. Evidently the partition plan provided for the States, what the
British termed "technical independence" to remain out of the political
organization, the creation of the two Dominions envisaged; but the Act
did not stipulate their independence; nor did the British Government accept
to recognize them as independent dominions and take upon itself any obligations
which the Paramountcy underlined. The British Government did not visualize
the partition of the states on the basis of the division of India but separated
them into political identities which would neither be recognized independent
nor be presumed to form a part of the two dominions of India and Pakistan.
Both the Congress and the Muslim League did not
accept that States were not subject to partition and separation of Muslim
India but they interpreted the partition scheme in diametrically different
ways. The League took the position that the Princes were vested with the
independence and paramount power to exercise freedom in respect of accession
or independence in spite of the fact that British refused to recognize
the States as independent dominions in India. The Congress on the other
hand refused to countenance the independence of the States and emphasized
that the people of the States alone could determine the future disposition
of the States in respect of their accession.
The Muslim League accepted the implied doctrine
of fraction of action for the Princes, probably because the few States
on the Pakistani side of the border would have no real choice. Moreover,
the exercise of such freedom by some of the large Princely States in India,
notably Hyderabad, would imperil the territorial integrity and stability
of Pakistan's more powerful neighbor. For precisely opposite reasons the
Congress rejected the British Government's interpretation of Paramountcy
and declared that it would resist territorial fragmentation.
The All India Congress Committee, which met in
Delhi on June 13, 1947 strongly, protested against the vivisection of India,
which the withdrawal of Paramountcy would spell out. The Committee adopted
a resolution, which rejected the British and the League interpretation
of the lapse Paramountcy and claimed that the relations between India and
the States could not be allowed to be adversely affected by the lapse of
Paramountcy. The Committee refused to recognize the right of any State
to declare its independence and live in isolation from the rest of India.
Apart from what the British Government had in
its mind in regard to the Indian States, most of the British officials
in the Government of India, spared no efforts to encourage some of larger
States to assume independence. The State Department took the position that
the Indian States were bound to the British Crown by the instruments of
Paramountcy, but were otherwise completely independent and owed no allegiance
to the British India. After the Paramountcy lapsed, the State Department
maintained, the Princes would resume the powers, which were exercised over
them by the British Crown and would he within their rights to assume full-fledged
independence.
Many of Princes were eagerly waiting to see if
they could use Pakistan as a counter-weight against India and with whatever
help they could secure from the British, remain out of the future constitutional
organization of India. Bhopal was preparing to declare itself free, the
moment the British withdrew from India. Hari Singh of Jammu and Kashmir,
waited patiently for an opportunity to establish an independent State.
The Nawab of Hyderabad was fiercely opposed to the Congress and the Indian
National movement and there was hardly any doubt about what he was determined
to do. He tried frantically to persuade Mountbatten to get the eight thousand
troops of the Indian army removed from his State. Sir William Monckton,
the Nizam's Legal Advisor wrote to Lord Ismay on 22 June 1947:
The State has been pressing the Political Department
for the removal of the Indian army troops from our cantonments. There are
7,000 or 8,000 Indian Army fighting troops in the State including armed
formations. The Nizam thinks it quite intolerable that they should remain
here after the 15th of August. They would in effect be an army of occupation.
But such pressure as the Political Department has been able to exert has
been quite ineffective. Whether the Defense Member is stalling or not,
I don't know; but it does look as if those who will form the Government
of the Indian Union would not be unwilling to find themselves with an army
of occupation here. I spoke Commander-in-Chief about it and he said that
we should have nothing to worry about while he was directing the army.
This is cold comfort.
The Crown Representative is still the Crown Representative
and he could direct the Government to take steps to move the troops out
of State territory by the 15th August.
In view of the intention of the British to close
down the Political Department of the Government of India, which dealt with
the States, it was decided to set up a new department, called the "States
Department" to deal with the matters concerning the States. The Department
was instituted on 27 June 1947, and was divided into two sections, the
Indian Section and Pakistan Section. The Indian Section was headed by Sardar
Patel and the Pakistan Section by Abdul Rab Nishtar of the Muslim League.
Nishtar, immediately after he assumed office, conveyed to the Princes that
Pakistan would accept whatever terms they laid for their accession to Pakistan
and in case they were prepared to accede to Pakistan, support them in their
bid to assume independence. The League leaders sent several emissaries
to Hari Singh inviting him to accede to Pakistan on the terms he would
specify, and assured him of their support if he decided to assume independence.
As the transfer of power began to draw close,
a conference of the Rulers of the States was convened in Delhi on 25 July
1947. Mountbatten, who addressed the Rulers for the last time in the capacity
of the Crown Representative, advised them to accede to the appropriate
Dominion in respect of three subjects-defense, external affairs and communications.
He assured them that their accession on those three subjects would not
involve any financial liability and that in other matters there would be
no encroachment on their sovereignty. Finally he appealed to them to join
either Union before 15 August 1947.
Before 15 August, all the Indian States except Junagarh, and two States of Jammu and Kashmir and
Hyderabad, acceded to
the Dominion of India. For Jammu and Kashmir and Hyderabad, the offer of
accession was kept open even after 15 August. The Maharaja of Kashmir offered
to sign a standstill agreement with both the dominions of India and Pakistan.
Pakistan accepted the standstill agreement but India advised the State
Government to send its accredited representative to negotiate the terms
of the agreement. No agreement was reached with Hyderabad and on 12 August,
the Nizam of Hyderabad was informed by the Viceroy that the offer of accession
would remain open for a further period of two months. The Maharaja of Kashmir
was upturned, when Pakistan attacked his State in October 1947, after which
he acceded to India. The Indian troops entered Hyderabad in 1948, and the
accession of the State to India was finally accomplished.
Jammu and Kashmir
The Jammu and Kashmir State was founded in 1846,
after the Sikhs were defeated in the first Anglo-Sikh war and the territories
of Sikh empire situated between the rivers Sutlej and Sind and including
Jammu, Kashmir, Hazara Chamba and the frontier divisions of Ladakh and
Baltistan were transferred to Gulab Singh, a Dogra Rajput chieftain of
Jammu and a feudatory of the Sikh empire. The first Anglo-Sikh war broke
out in December 1845, when the Sikhs crossed the Sutlej River to fortify
their frontiers around which the British had begun to entrench themselves.
The Sikhs fought with reckless bravery, but divided by internecine strife,
commanded by decrypt officers and betrayed by their leaders, suffered successive
defeats in various engagements they had with the British. The most decisive
battle of the first Anglo-Sikh war was fought at Sobraon where the Sikhs
were finally beaten.
As a prize for their victory, the British demanded
from the Sikhs, the territories situated between rivers Sutlej and Bias
and a war indemnity of one and a half crore of rupees. The Sikhs agreed
to surrender the territory the British claimed, but refused to pay the
indemnity. Instead they offered to cede additional Sikh territories to
the British situated between Bias and the river Indus, including the provinces
of Jammu, Kashmir, Hazara, the divisions of Kulu, Mandi, Nurpur, Kangra
and Chamba, and the frontier regions of Ladakh and Baltistan. The British,
reluctant to commit themselves on a mast and unfriendly frontier, decided
to transfer the territories, the Sikhs offered to cede, to Gulab Singh
on the condition that he made good the indemnity on behalf of the Sikhs.
Gulab Singh with a view to carve out a kingdom for him, which would be
secured by the British, readily agreed to enter the bargain. The British
retained the important divisions of Kulu, Mandi, Nurpur and Kangra and
in consideration of that reduced the sum of the indemnity to only one Crore
of rupees and transferred the rest of the territories the Sikhs had ceded,
to Gulab Singh in independent possession. The transfer of territories was
formalized by the Treaty of Amritsar, which was concluded between the British
and Gulab Singh on 16 March 1846. Hazara proved far too turbulent for the
Dogra chief to hold and he exchanged it with an equal extent of territory
situated east of Jehlum in Jammu.
The Dogra State formed a complex alignment of
regional, cultural and linguistic diversities as the different regions
of the State, Jammu, Kashmir, Ladakh and Baltistan were geographically,
ethnically and culturally disparate countries, which had no common history,
language and cultural affinity. Jammu spread into a cluster or Rajput principalities
ruled by Dogra potentates was brought under the Sikh sway in 1808, when
the Sikhs reduced the Jammu kingdom. Kashmir, an ancient Hindu state and
ravaged by vicissitudes of history was wrested by the Sikhs from the Afghans
in 1819. The regions of Ladakh and Baltistan, mainly a part of the Tibetan
table land and inhabited by Buddhists and Shiaie Muslims were annexed to
the Sikh domains by Gulab Singh in 1837.
The administrative organization, Gulab Singh instituted
in the State, was in no way different from the administrative structures
which the British forged in the other native States of India. The princely
States were the outer citadels of the British colonial empire in India
possessed little of the nativity they claimed. "They were protected proteges
of the British colonialism and their power and prestige was secured by
the Government of India. The Sanads, treaties and agreements on which the
Indian States' structure was based were in content, commitments to a subordinate
alliance with the British". In the provinces, the British endeavored to
establish administrative instruments, which were aimed to consolidate the
basis of the British Empire in India. In the native States, the Princes
were allowed to rule within the reaches described by the British to serve
the interests of the empire, fill the coffers of the Company and provide
sanctuaries for the British adventurists who arrived in India in search
of fortunes and future.
The province of Jammu and the frontier divisions
of Ladakh and Baltistan were not centers of much industrial activity, but
the province of Kashmir was the hub of the shawl manufacture, which had
yielded enormous revenues to the Sikhs. The capricious Muslim Khojas, who
owned the industrial establishments of shawl manufacture in the province,
imported shawl wool from Chanthan in Tibet across Ladakh and exported the
finished Pashmina shawl products, and employed labor on indenture paying
in advelorum duty on the sale proceeds of their manufactures. Gulab Singh
left the industrial possessions of the Khoja manufactures intact along
with their right to employ indentured labor. He, did not change the terms
of the monopolies in trading and import of shawl wool which he had wrested
from the Ladakhis and left the export of the finished shawl products in
the hands of the Khojas who enjoyed a monopoly in shawl exports.
Like the other Indian States, Jammu and Kashmir
too formed the backyard of the British colonialism in India. The Treaty
of Amritsar was a subordinate alliance by which the Dogras pledged to recognize
to British suzerainty over their State. Whatever semblance of independence,
the Dogras had, was rapidly lost by them after the Second Anglo-Sikh War,
when the Sikh State was finally broken up and the Punjab was annexed to
the British territories in India. Gradually the Dogras were integrated
into the Indian Princely order and brought within the grinding operation
of the British Paramountcy. In 1889, Maharaja Pratap Singh, Gulab Singh's
grandson and the third Dogra ruler in succession, was set aside by the
Government of India on charges of misgovernment and incapacity and the
State Government was placed under the direct supervision of the British
Resident in the State. The helpless Maharaja, confined to his palace, imploringly
wrote to the governor-general:
"If after a fair trial being given to me, I do
not set everything (excepting the Settlement Department, which is under
the guidance of Mr. Lawrence, and which will not be sealed within five
years) right, and am found not to rule to the satisfaction of the Supreme
Government, and my people within the prescribed time, Your Excellency's
Government is at liberty to do everything that may be considered advisable.
In case this liberty is not allowed to me by the Supreme Government, and
I have to remain in my present most miserable condition, I would most humbly
ask, Your Excellency to summon me before you and I will be most happy to
obey such summons and shoot me through the heart with Your Excellency's
hands, and thus at once relieve an unfortunate prince from an unbearable
misery, contempt and disgrace f ever."
Having assumed direct control over the State,
the British Government reorganized the entire administration of the State
on the basis of the departmental organization they had introduced in the
Indian provinces and the other Indian States. The departments were placed
in charge of officers, mostly English and drawn from the Home Department
of the Government of India. The hierarchical order of the State administration
was also restructured on the pattern; the British had evolved to govern
India. Authority percolated down from the Resident and the petty officials
at the lower rungs of the administration licked the mud, and collected
the graft and blackmail to pass it up to the magistracies over them, the
provincial governors, the ministers and the Resident.
Besides the administrative reorganization, the
British changed the traditional social balances, which formed the basis
of the Dogra power. They reorganized the agrarian relations the Dogras
had inherited from their predecessors, introduced a permanent settlement
of land revenue on the model they had followed in the Punjab, and recognized
permanent occupancy rights of the land holders who undertook the payment
of a fixed land rent. They abolished the monopolies the Dogras assumed
over trading, rationalized taxation and resumed the right to grant concessionary
rights, exploitation of forests, exploration of minerals and permit imports,
liquidating the manifold class factions which formed the bedrock of the
Dogra economic organization. They did not interfere with the shawl industry,
by then in decline, and left the Khoja owners of the smoldering shawl manufacturing
factories untouched. They had already wrested the monopoly in the import
of shawl-wool from the Maharaja.
A factorial change, the British brought about
in the State was the introduction of English education and the institution
of schools and colleges on the basis of English curricula. The English
education, imperceptibly uprooted a generation from its traditional moorings
and catapulted it into a new universe of intellectual experience though
recast into masses of mercenaries to serve the British empire, many of
them were pushed into progressive social roles and community leadership.
These people became the harbingers of the Indian renaissance in the States,
where the dimensions of political repression and social backwardness were
more pronounced than in the Indian provinces.
Indian Renaissance
The Indian national renaissance evoked widespread
response in the State and brought it into the vortex of the liberation
movement in India. The civil disobedience movement, which rocked India
in 1915, led to severe reaction in the Jammu province of the State, from
where thousands of volunteers went to the Punjab to join the civil disobedience
movement. The Khilafat movement followed with greater fury, and spread
to the entire State, particularly the Kashmir province, where the Muslims
joined the Khilafat agitation in large numbers.
In 1931, the Muslims, who formed a predominant
part of the population of the State, fell into a head on collision with
the Dogra rule. Many factors were responsible for the Muslim resurgence.
Muslims, particularly in the Kashmir province, considered the Dogras aliens
and usurpers and had right from the time the State was founded, given ample
expression to their distrust against them. The Muslim disaffection was
considerably aggravated by the abuse of power and exploitation, which characterized
the Dogra rule. As a part of the Indian princedom, the Dogras were in no
way better than the rulers of the other Indian States. The contributory
factors, which deepened the Muslim unrest, were, the traditional British
hostility towards the Dogras and the pan-Islamic irridenticism which swept
the Punjab in the aftermath of the Khilafat.
The disturbances in the State evoked serious repercussions
all over the Punjab and a part of northwestern Frontier Province and Sind.
Muslim political factions, in the Punjab, jumped into the fray in order
to exploit the situation in the State. Aharar volunteers, in thousands,
marched in the State to help their Muslim brethren. "Kashmir Committees"
supervised by a Central Kashmir Committee headed by Sir Mohammed Iqbal,
were constituted all over the Punjab to direct efforts to organize, help
and support for the Muslims in the State in their struggle against the Dogras.
Hari Singh tried his utmost to obviate the British
intervention, which he was sure, would follow if the situation in the State
did not improve. He changed his policy and offered to look into the grievances
of the Muslims and mitigate them and actually a temporary suspension in
the Muslim agitation was achieved. However, peace did not last long and
agitation restarted with added vehemence. The Government of India sent
a peremptory note to the Maharaja asking him to appoint a commission headed
by a British officer of the Government of India to inquire into the Muslim
grievances, introduce administrative reforms in the State Government which
would provide the Muslims a wider State patronage and appoint a British
officer of the Government of India, the Prime Minister of the State. Hari
Singh waited for sometime, but finally yielded. The British troops were
dispatched to Jammu with quick expedition to quell the riots and bring
the situation under control in the province. An Ordinance was promulgated
by the Government of India to prohibit the entry of Ahrar volunteers into
the State. Large number of Ahrars were arrested and imprisoned. A British
officer of the Government of India, E. J.D. Colvin, was appointed the Prime
Minister of the State. A Commission of Inquiry, headed by another British
officer of the Government of India, who had served in the State in various
capacities, was instituted to enquire into the grievances of the Muslims.
A Constitutional Reforms Conference, which too was headed by B.J. Glancy,
was also appointed to recommend measures of reforms in the State Government.
The Muslims, hopeful of utilizing the British
influence against the Dogras, withdrew the agitation and scaled to cooperate
with the Commission of Inquiry and the Constitutional Reforms Conference.
The deliberations of the Commission of Inquiry and the Constitutional Reforms
Conference were protracted and the Muslim agitation gradually subdued.
In November 1932, the Muslims called a general
convention in Srinagar to which delegates were invited from all over the
State. On the final day of the three-day convention, the Muslim Conference
was founded. Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, who had directed the Muslim struggle
against the Dogras, was elected the President of the Conference. The Conference
committed itself to:
-
Organize the Muslims and secure them their due rights;
-
Struggle for their economic and cultural uplift;
and
-
Deliver them from the oppression they were subjected
to.
National Conference
The take-over of the State Government by the British
in the wake of the Muslim agitation ultimately brought the Muslims to a
dead end. In due course of time they found the British were now the virtual
masters in the State. The support, the-Muslims had received from the Muslims
in Punjab also wanted mainly because the British patronage, British inspiration
and patronage, the Muslims in the Punjab had received to rise against the
Dogras had also ceased. The Muslim leadership did not take long to realize
that the Dogras were an adjunct of the British empire in India and any
struggle against them was inconceivable except within the context of freedom
from British dominance. The elections and the formation of the Congress
Ministries in the British Indian Provinces in 1937, inspired the Muslim
leadership to break out of its religious moorings and with the active support
of the Hindus and Sikhs, who had opposed the Muslim agitation vehemently,
founded a broad based and secular movement for political emancipation of
the people of the State. In 1939, the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference
was converted into a secular political party. The Muslim leaders amended
the Constitution of the Muslim Conference, renamed it as the All Jammu
and Kashmir National Conference, modified its objectives and threw its
membership open to all the people of the State.
The National Conference committed itself to a
secular struggle for Indian freedom, the realization of a political India
comprising the British Indian Provinces and the Indian States and institution
of self-rule in the States. The Conference affiliated itself to the All
India States' Peoples’ Conferences, which spearheaded the liberation struggle
in the Indian States.
The National Conference conducted a vigorous campaign
in the State for the institution of self-government and constitutional
reforms. However, it was plunged into a crisis when the Muslim League adopted
the Pakistan resolution in March 1940. The League resolution envisaged
the reorganization of the Muslim majority provinces in India into a separate
and independent Muslim State of Pakistan. A large section of Conference
leaders and ranks, mostly from Jammu, advocated the acceptance of the League
resolution for Pakistan on the plea that the Muslims in the State formed
a part of the Muslim India and, therefore, their aspirations wore bound
with the creation of Pakistan. The Conference rejected the League resolution
and the leaders and cadres who advocated the acceptance of Pakistan resolution
abandoned the Conference.
On 13 June 1941, the breakaway factions of the
National Conference revived the erstwhile Muslims Conference. Chowdhry
Gulam Abbas was elected the President of the Conference. In the open session
of the Conference, Abbas called upon the Muslims in the State to support
the League demand for Pakistan.
In 1943, Maharaja Hari Singh appointed a high
power Commission to investigate into the working of the government and
recommend measures for reform and the introduction of administrative responsibility.
All the political organizations were invited to participate in its work.
The appointment of the Commission created an atmosphere of optimism in
the State and all the political organizations including the National Conference,
agreed to participate in the deliberations of the Commission. The Muslim
Conference was not given any representation in the Commission and the Working
Committee of the Conference gave a call to the Muslims m the State to boycott
the Commission.
The deliberations of the Commission were not smooth.
Differences set in among the participants of the Commission on a wide variety
of matters and the Commission failed even to evolve an agreement on the
interpretation of its terms of reference. The National Conference submitted
a long memorandum to the Commission, which envisaged the institution of
responsible government in the State, weightage for minorities, recognition
of civil liberties, and the economic uplift of the backward people of the
State. Soon however, the Conference withdrew its representative from the
Commission and presented a Revised Version of the memorandum it had submitted
to the Commission, to the Maharaja. Later the memorandum was adopted by
the Conference as its official manifesto and published under the name of 'Naya Kashmir'.
In October 1944, Hari Singh announced by a proclamation,
that he had decided to appoint two ministers from among the members of
the Praja Sabha, the State Legislative Assembly, which was instituted in
1934, in the aftermath of Muslim agitation in the State. Most of the political
organizations accepted the scheme, which was erroneously called Dyarchy.
As a consequence of the implementation of the proclamation Maharaja Hari
Singh appointed Mirza Afzal Beg the deputy leader of the National Conference
parliamentary party in the Praja Sabha and Wazir Ganga Ram from Jammu.
Beg was entrusted with public works and Ganga Ram was put in charge of
Education.
Dyarchy did not admit of any measure of responsibility
and suffered from severe defects. No sooner the two ministers stepped into
their office; the defects of the scheme came to surface. After the war
came to its end, the policies of the State Government suffered a subtle
shift. Dyarchy came to its end in March 1946, when Mirza Afzal Beg resigned
from his office in protest.
These were the critical days when the Indian independence
was on the anvil. When the Cabinet Mission arrived in India, the National
Conference submitted to it a long memorandum which repudiated the rig of
the Princes, to represent the states and demanded that the people in the
States be allowed to participate in the Constitution making bodies in India,
which the Mission proposed. "At a time", the memorandum stipulated "when
the new world is being built on the foundations of the Atlantic Charter,
a new perspective of freedom is opening before the Indian people, the fate
of the Kashmiri nation is in the balance, and in the hour of decision we
demand our basic democratic right to send our elected representatives to
the Constitution making bodies that will construct the framework of free
India. We emphatically repudiate the right of the princely order to represent
the people of the Indian States or their right to nominate their personal
representatives as our spokesmen." The memorandum evoked no response from
the Mission.
In May 1946, the National Conference launched
the famous 'Quit Kashmir' movement. Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah demanded the
annulment of the Treaty of Amritsar, by virtue of which the British had
founded the Jammu and Kashmir State. The Conference demanded the termination
of the Dogra rule and the transfer of power to the people in the State.
The State Government dealt with the movement with a stern hand. The Conference
leaders were arrested and jailed and Martial law was imposed in the Kashmir
province, where the 'Quit Kashmir' movement evoked widespread response.
At many places the troops clashed with the demonstrators and opened fire
on them. The Congress leaders and the 'leaders of the States Peoples' Conference
were disparaged at the development in the State and castigated the State
Government for its indiscreet policies. Nehru sought to intervene and offered
to visit the State to bring about a peaceful settlement of the conflict
between the Conference and the State Government. The State Government refused
to allow Nehru to enter Kashmir and on his way to Srinagar, he was served
with a prohibitory order at Kohalla, the frontier outpost where the Srinagar-Rawalpindi
road entered the State territories. Nehru refused to turn back and crossed
into the State borders. He was promptly put under arrest and detained at
a wayside station. The next day he was released and allowed to return to
Delhi. The leaders and the cadres of the National Conference were arrested
and sentenced to various terms of imprisonment. Within a month, the 'Quit
Kashmir' movement was smothered
Independence to Accession
While the Dogras grappled with the 'Quit Kashmir'
agitation changes of far reaching importance were on way in India. In February,
the British announced their intention to leave India. In June, the India
leaders accepted the partition. Besides the creation of two dominions India
and Pakistan, the partition plan envisaged, that all rights and powers
which the British exercised in regard to Indian States would revert to
the States. The Princes were given the choice to determine their relations
with the two dominions and accede to either of them or arrive at such arrangements
with them as they defined feasible. It has been noted above that the British
refused to recognize the States as separate dominions and informed them
that they would not be in a position to carry on any further obligations
which the Paramountcy underlined. The States were to take a decision in
respect of accession before 15 August 1947, the day fixed for the transfer
of power.
Inside Kashmir, the prospect of the British withdrawn
appears to have left no impression on the mind of the Maharaja. The maharaja
fondled with the hope of carving out an independent kingdom for himself
and as the transfer of power became imminent; he sought to poise himself
on the new political balances, which were beginning to take shape as a
result of the British withdrawal.
There is little doubt that Maharaja Hari Singh
and the men, who surrounded him, failed to realize the significance of
the stupendous changes, which the transfer of power involved. Most of them,
devoid of any political foresight, could not visualize the effect, the
dissolution of the British colonial organization in India, was bound to
have on the princely order in India. Hari Singh found it difficult to believe
that the British would abandon the Princes even if they left India. To
that extent the British officers in India and the Political Department
of the Government of India, spared no efforts to assure the Maharaja. The
Prime Minister of the State, Ramchander Kak followed his master with servile
loyalty and though adequate evidence is not available to assess his role
during those critical days, it can safely be said that he actively supported
the Maharaja, a course which ultimately proved disastrous for both. In
fact, the Maharaja and his Prime Minister, tried in their own way, to put
the small weight they had, on the side of the Paramountcy, realizing little
that their policies would actually fling them into the oblivion.
The coterie of the court Brandies was opposed
to the adoption of a politically sound policy. The zest, with which they
had isolated the Dogras from the national mainstream for the fear that
the transfer of power at national level would deprive them of their privileges,
had completely blinded them. With thoughtless resignation they applaud
the obstinacy the State Government demonstrated.
The Maharaja did not appreciate that his estates
running over long stretches of mountainous territory inhabited by less
than four million people and with resources barely sufficient to sustain
them, could not be organized into a viable independent political unity.
The State, after it was constituted in 1846, had survived under the protection
of the British Paramountcy. Effective instruments of control did not exist
and the borders of the State stretched along the tactical frontiers of
some of the most powerful nations in Asia. Major General H.L. Scott, English
official, who commanded the armies of the State, had under his command
a few battalions of food, troops to man the borders of the State. Scott
was a glamorous old man with much glittering steel in his deep eyes, but
after all, the state could not be defended against foreign aggression by
dramatics. Scott was under no illusions himself and he apprised the Maharaja
of the inadequate military strength, the State had, to meet any threat
from across the borders of the State. Scott, however, favored an understanding
with Pakistan and believed that if such an understanding was not reached
with that country the borders of the State would continue to be unsafe.
He was summarily dismissed. In his place, a Dogra military official, Brigadier
Rajender Singh was put in charge of the State army.
The Muslim Conference leaders exhorted the Maharaja
to assume independence and pledged the support of the Muslim Conference
to an independent State. The president of the Muslim Conference, Chowdhry
Hamidullah assured the Maharaja of the "support and cooperation of the
Muslims, forming an eighty percent majority in the State, as represented
by their authoritarian organization Muslim Conference". He promised Hari
Singh that the Muslim subjects of the State would acclaim him as the first
constitutional king of a "democratic and independent Kashmir".
The Congress leaders pleaded with the Maharaja
to join the Indian Dominion. Conscious of the difficult position the State
Government was placed in, they advised the Maharaja to release the National
Conference leaders, which in view of the predominance of the Muslims in
the population of the State, was the only factor, he could depend upon
in case he decided to accede to India. Towards the close of June, Gandhi
announced that he would go to Kashmir. Nehru immediately offered to go
to Kashmir-before Gandhi did. Mountbatten, apprehensive of how Gandhi would
advise Hari Singh, forestalled both Gandhi and Nehru arrived in Srinagar
on 29 June 1947. Mountbatten had several meetings with Maharaja Hari Singh
and told the Maharaja that independence of the State was not a "feasible
proposition". However, he conveyed to the Maharaja that in view of the
Muslim majority of the population of the State and its geographical conditions,
accession to India would not be in the interests of the Maharaja. Hari
Singh was shocked because he had seen what Pakistan had wrought in the
Punjab and thousands of Hindus and Sighs who had escaped from death had
taken refuge in his State. Accession to Pakistan was the last act he was
prepared to accomplish. He refused to open his mind to the Viceroy when
the latter wanted to know what the Maharaja had decided about his future.
He sought a meeting with the Maharaja the day he returned to the Indian
capital, the Maharaja feigned illness and expressed his inability to talk
to the Viceory. Moutbatten left the State high and dry.
In July, Patel wrote to Ramchander Kak, advising
him to reconsider the policies the State Government had adopted and suggested
to him ho come to terms with the National Conference and then take a decision
to join India without any further delay. Patel wrote to Kak:
Do you think Sheikh Abdullah should continue to
remain in jail? I am asking this question purely in the interests of the
State. You know my attitude all along and my sympathy towards the State.
I am once again advising you as a friend of the State to reconsider the
matter without any delay.
Kak attended the meetings of the Negotiating Committee
and Patel tried to persuade him to abandon the hard line the State Government
had taken. Patel wrote to the Maharaja as well and almost implored him
to join the Indian Dominion without any vacillation. He wrote to Hari Singh:
I fully appreciate the difficult and delicate
situation in which your State has been placed, but as a sincere friend
and well wisher of the State, I wish to assure you that the interest of
Kashmir lies I joining the Indian Union and its Constituent Assembly without
any delay. Its past history and traditions demand it and all India look
up to you and expects you to take that decision. Eighty percent of India
is on this side. The States that have cast their lot with the Constituent
Assembly have been convinced that their safety lies in together standing
with India. Patel, perhaps unaware of what had transpired between the Viceroy
and the Maharaja, expressed his disappointment about the inability of the
Maharaja to have met the Viceroy before he left Kashmir. He wrote:
I was greatly disappointed when His Excellency
the Viceroy return without having a full and frank discussion with you
on that fateful Sunday, when you had given an appointment which could not
be kept because of your sudden attack of colic pain. He had invited you
to be his guest at Delhi and in that also he was disappointed. I had hopes
that we would meet here, but I was greatly disappointed when His Excellency
told me that you did not avail of the invitation.
Hari Singh found an ally in the Nizam of Hyderabad,
who for almost different reasons sought to secure independence for his
State. Hari Singh presumed that Pakistan would support him because that
would forestall any action India took in Hyderabad. Pakistan was frantically
trying to wean Hyderabad from India and to achieve that Pakistan could
not take a stand on Kashmir, which conflicted with their interests in Hyderabad.
Hari Singh, also aware of the discomfiture India faced on account of Hyderabad,
believed that the Indian leaders would not force him to take any action
which would effect the future of Hyderabad.
Gandhi visited Kashmir in the last week of July.
He met Hari Singh on the Gupkar Palace lawns in Srinagar. On 10 August
1947, Hari Singh dismissed Ram Chander Kak and appointed General Janak
Singh, one of his close relations, the Prime Minister of the State. Two
days later, the State Government offered to enter into a standstill agreements
with both India and Pakistan. The agreement with Pakistan was concluded
on 15 August 1947, but India neither accepted the standstill agreement
nor rejected it and instead instructed the State Government to send a properly
accredited representative to the Indian Capital to discuss the implications
of the Agreement.
The standstill agreement between the State and
Pakistan was short lived. In early September 1947, Pakistan organized massive
infiltration of its agents into Mirpur and Poonch district, which were
contiguous to West Punjab and predominantly Muslim. Both the districts
flared up in revolt against the Dogras. Meanwhile, Pakistan imposed an
embargo on the transit of supplies to the State and sealed off the two
communication lines, which ran into Pakistan and linked the State with
the outside world.
For sometime the State Government remonstrated
with the Government of Pakistan but without any results. While Pakistan
continued to build pressure on the State, the State Government withdrew
the warrants against the National Conference leaders and cadres. The Acting
President Conference, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad directed 'Quit Kashmir', who
had escaped arrest in May 1946, and who had directed the movement from
outside the State reached Jammu on 6 September and arrived in Kashmir on
12 September, 1947. On 27 September, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah was released
from jail. This was followed by the release of the other National Conference
leaders and cadres.
The National Conference leaders set out quickly
to revive the organizational units of the Conference, which lay in ruins.
The impact of the partition and propaganda war which Pakistan had unleashed
against the National Conference and the movement for Indian unity, the
Conference had led, was deep and wide. The Muslims in the Jammu province
clamored for accession to Pakistan and most of them established clandestine
contact with the Pakistani infiltrators. The Kashmiri speaking Muslims,
committed to support the National Conference, looked up to Sheikh Mohammad
Abdullah and the other National Conference leaders for a decision on the
accession issue. The Conference leaders avoided to commit themselves on
the issue of accession, though they secretly conveyed to the Government
of India that they had decided to support the accession of the State to
India.
Dwarka Nath Kachru, the Secretary General of the
All India States Peoples' Conference, who attended a high level meeting
of the top leaders of the National Conference in Srinagar, wrote to Nchru
on 4 September 1947:
The position here can be summarized thus:
-
Sheikh Sahib and his close associates have decided
for the Indian Union.
-
But this decision has not been announced yet and
the impression is being given that so far the National Conference has taken
no decision.
-
The leaders of the National Conference are in jail
and only Sheikh Sahib has been released so far.
-
The stand taken by Sheikh Sahib is that the political
prisoners must be released and the Working Committee and the General Council
must be allowed to meet to consider the problem and to place their decision
before the people.
-
Meanwhile Sheikh Sahib is delivering speeches to
educate public opinion and to prepare the people for what seems to be the
inevitable decision of the National Conference. Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah
and the other Conference leaders demanded the transfer of power to them
in order that they were able to fight communalism and carry Muslims with
them. Kachru wrote to Nehru: Sheikh Sahib feels that unless there is a
transfer of power to a substantial degree the National Conference may find
itself in a difficult position. To fight the League, to maintain law and
order inside the State and to carry the masses with them, it is highly
essential that a settlement with the National Conference should be brought
about simultaneously with the accession of the State to the Union.
-
Alternative to the National Conference is undiluted
Muslim communalism of the most militant type and the National Conference
urges that it be taken into confidence and is closely associated with the
government of the country.
The Government of India realized the necessity of
the transfer of power to the National Conference, which they knew could
muster support among the Muslims in Kashmir for the accession of the State
to India. Sardar Patel wrote to Meher Chand Mahajan, who had replaced General
Janak Singh, as the Prime Minister of the State:
I myself feel that the position, which Sheikh
Abdullah takes, is understandable and reasonable. In the mounting demands
for the introduction of responsible government in States, such as you have
recently witnessed in Travancore and Mysore, it is impossible for you to
isolate yourself. It is obvious that in your dealings with external dangers
and internal commotion with which you are faced, mere brute force is not
enough. We, on our part, have pledged to give you maximum support and we
will do so. But I am afraid, without some measure of popular backing, particularly
from among the community which represents such an overwhelming majority
in Kashmir, it would be difficult to make such support go to the farthest
limit that is necessary if you were to crush the disruptive forces which
are being raised and organized. Nor do I think it will be possible to maintain
for long the exclusive or predominant monopoly of any particular community
in your security services. It is as necessary for you to treat those who
are willing to cooperate with trust and confidence in respect of these
services as in respect of others which are generally termed nation building
departments.
Patel's letter dispatched to Srinagar on 21 October
1947. Ironically enough, during the following night Pakistan launched a
heavy military offensive against the State and large contingent of armed
invaders from Pakistan led by its regular forces, entered the State along
the borders of Mirpur and Poonch districts in the Jammu province, and the
district of Muzaffarabad in Kashmir province. The Muslim troops of the
Dogra army, deployed with their Hindu compatriots almost all over the State
borders which came under attack, deserted, murdered their officers and
comrade-in-arms and went over to join the enemy. The remnants of the Dogra
army, depleted and poorly equipped, offered dogged resistance to the raiders,
who rolled on, like an avalanche, killing thousands of Hindus and Sikhs
and destroying everything that fell in their way. Brigadier Rajinder Singh,
who commanded the State forces directed the operations on the front in
the Kashmir province and with an assortment of a few hundred troops held
back the invading hordes till he laid down his life in the battle. Had
it not been for the Brigadier and his gallant men, who earned a moments
reprieve for the Maharaja, the story of the State would have been different.
Maharaja Hari Singh appealed to India for help
and offered the accession of the State to the Indian dominion. The Government
of India took long days to accept the accession of the State. On the morning
of 27 October 1947, first contingents of airborne Indian troops landed
in Srinagar. The same day the Indian troops began to arrive in Jammu.
On 1 November 1947, the Gilgit Scouts, a local
Muslim militia raised by the British for the defenses of the Gilgit Agency
revolted and declared the accession of the Agency to Pakistan. Major Brown,
a British adventurer, who commanded the Scouts, hoisted the flag of Pakistan
on the Agency quarters. Within days Pakistani troops poured into Gilgit
and with the Muslim Scouts, swooped on Baltistan and Western Ladakh.
The Indian army pushed back the raiders and drove
them out of a large part of the territories of the State occupied by them.
However, with fresh reinforcement from Pakistan the raiders entrenched
themselves in the districts of Muzaffarabad, Mirpur and Poonch, the Gilgit
Agency and its Dardic dependencies and the greater part of Baltistan.
On 1 January 1948, the Indian Government appealed
to the United Nations to ask Pakistan to withdraw its forces from the State.
After prolonged silence, Pakistan presented to the Security Council, a
long list of counter complaints against India. The Security Council appointed
a Commission to conduct an on-the-spot investigation of complaint India
had lodged and the counter complaints Pakistan had made. Long and protracted
mediation by the Security Council, brought round the two countries to accept
a cease-fire in the State pending a final settlement of the dispute between
them. Fighting was suspended in the State on 1 January 1949. A large part
of the territory of the State remained under the occupation of Pakistan.
Interim Government
Immediately after the accession of the State,
the Indian leaders advised Hari Singh to associate the leaders of the National
Conference with the Government of the State. The National Conference leadership
had insistently asked for the transfer of power to the National Conference
as a step towards the realization of self-government in the State. On 30
October 1947, Hari Singh instituted an Emergency Administration in the
State with Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah as its Chief Emergency Administrator
and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad the Deputy Chief Administrator. The other leaders
of the National Conference were appointed Emergency officers to deal with
the situation, which the invasion had created. A few of the Emergency Officers
were appointed from among men who were not in the National Conference.
The Maharaja presumed that the Emergency Administration
would function within the ambit of the authority his Council of Ministers
earmarked for it and in subordination to the establishment of the Maharaja.
The arrangement was bound to lead nowhere and deepen the sense of distrust
between the Maharaja and the Conference leadership. On the one hand the
Conference leaders were not vested with any purposeful initiative and on
the other the Maharaja's ministry was hardly in a position to function
effectively. The powers of the Emergency Administration were not defined
nor was the orbit of its authority specified. As a matter of fact, there
was a great deal of confusion in regard to its territorial jurisdiction.
For a few days after the institution of the Emergency Administration, the
Prime Minister of the State carried the impression that the Emergency Administration
had been established to deal with the situation in Kashmir province alone.
Looking back, it is difficult to locate the reasons
for which the Emergency Administration was instituted and the tasks it
was expected to accomplish. The Indian leaders always suffered from an
incredible lack of perspectives. Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah had insistently
asked for the transfer of power to the National Conference but the Indian
leaders did not provide for a settlement between the Maharaja and the National
Conference in respect of the transfer of any measure of authority to the
Conference leaders. The Emergency Administration, as it was constituted,
was a shoddy structure, hardly equipped with the power and prestige to
face the crisis in the State. The invaders, though on the retreat, were
destroying everything that was still intact in the areas occupied by them.
Scarcity was acute, all supplies were suspended and there was severe shortage
of food grains, petrol and other articles of daily use in the State. Streams
of Hindu and Sikh refugees, who had escaped death, poured into Srinagar
and Jammu from the occupied areas. None of the factions of the State Government,
the Maharaja's Council of Ministers and the Emergency Administration had
the capacity to deal with such a situation on their own. Whereas the Maharaja's
Ministers stood by helplessly watching the events, the Emergency officers,
owing responsibility to none, abrogated unlimited authority to them and
undermined the already impaired administrative apparatus of the State Government.
The Conference complained loudly that the Maharaja was reluctant to part
with any substantial authority and the Maharaja and his ministers protested
that the Emergency Administration had usurped the authority, which did
not rightfully belong to it.
In November, the Government of India advised the
Maharaja to institute an Interim Government in the State with Sheikh Mohammad
Abdullah as its head and the Prime Minister, on the basis of the model
adopted in the Mysore. The Mysore model envisaged the formation of an Interim
Government constituted by the leader of the popular party in the State
with himself as the Prime Minister. The Mysore model reserved several subjects
exclusively for the Maharaja and these included the Ruler and the Ruling
Family, succession, privy purse and the prerogatives of the Ruler, State
army, constitutional reunions with India, the High Court and the appointment
of the Judges, the Public Service Commission, Auditor-General, the protection
of the minorities, the Stare legislature, elections, emergencies and all
other residuary powers. The Mysore model also provided for the appointment
of the Maharaja Dewan as a member of the Council of Ministers to function
as a link between the Ministry and the Maharaja. Unfolding the proposals
Nehru wrote to Hari Singh:
We have agreed that the Interim Government should
be on the model of Mysore. In Mysore the leader of the popular party was
asked to choose his colleagues, he himself being the Prime Minister or
the Chief Minister. The Dewan was also one of the Ministers and he presided
over the meetings of the Cabinet. In following this precedent, Sheikh Abdullah
should be the Prime Minister and should be asked to form the Government.
Mr. Mahajan can be one of the Ministers and can formally preside over the
Cabinet. But it would introduce confusion if Mr. Mahajan continues to be
styled as Prime Minister. The Interim Government, when formed, should be
in full charge and you will be the Constitutional head of that Government.
The Conference leaders did not approve of the
Mysore model. They rather demanded transfer of powers to the Conference
without any reservations. The Conference leaders refused to accept the
appointment of the Maharaja's Dewan to the Council of Ministers and his
interposition between the Maharaja and the popular ministry and demanded
the removal of Mehar Chand Mahajan from his office. Mahajan was appointed
the Prime Minister of the State during the stormy days when Pakistan was
preparing to annex the State. The Conference leaders further demanded the
institution of a Constituent Assembly in the State, which would frame a
Constitution for the Government of the State.
Not long after Nehru's communication was sent
to the Maharaja, fresh proposals in regard to the formation of the Interim
Government were sent to him by Gopalaswami Ayangar, a minister in the Indian
Government, who had appeared on the scene to negotiate a settlement between
the Maharaja and the Conference leadership. Ayanagar was, at no stage,
associated with the national movement in India or the Indian States but
had served Hari Singh as his Prime Minister from 1937 to 1943, during the
hey day of the British rule in India. He suggested to Hari Singh that while
the broad frame within which the Interim Government would be constituted,
would follow the Mysore scheme, certain modifications and adjustments were
necessary to be made in the scheme to adapt it to the situation in the
State and accommodate the objections raised by the National Conference
leadership. He proposed that:
-
An Interim Government constituted of a Council of
Ministers would be set up in the State;
-
Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah would be appointed the Prime
Minister of the State and the other ministers would be appointed on his
advice;
-
The provisions of the Mysore model to include a Dewan
in the Council of Ministers would not be followed;
-
The Maharaja would not be reserved any powers but
would be empowered to place restrictions on the function of the Council
of Ministers by special direction in respect of certain matters of administration;
-
The Interim Government would be responsible to the
Maharaja.
Maharaja Hari Singh conveyed his inability to accept
the Ayangar scheme and insisted upon strict adherence to the Mysore model.
He drew up fresh proposals for the institution of an Interim Government
in the State, which reserved to him, powers in respect of his throne and
family, constitutional relations between the State and the Union, High
Court, Public Service Commission, State army, Audit, protection of the
minorities, elections to the State Legislature, breakdown of constitutional
machinery and residuary powers. Maharaja's scheme further envisaged the
appointment of his Dewan to the Council of Ministers, which would be presided
by him and the revival of the erstwhile State Assembly, the Praja Sabha,
after fresh elections and its conversion into a Constituent Assembly.
The Maharaja's scheme was not approved by the
Conference leaders. Ayangar made a few minor modifications in his plan
and agreed to reconsider the reservation of certain subjects for the exclusive
control of the Ruler. The wrangle was finally resolved and the Interim
Government was instituted by a proclamation, which the Maharaja made on
5 March 1948.
Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah was appointed the Prime
Minister of the State. The other members of the Council of Ministers were
appointed from among the other leaders of the National Conference. Bakshi
Ghulam Mohammad was appointed the Deputy Prime Minister of the state. All
the powers of the State Government, except those related to the Ruler,
his family and his property, privy purse, succession, Jagirs, Private Officers
and the religious endowment of the Dharmarth were vested with the Council
of Ministers. The Council was to function on the principle of joint responsibility.
The Council was also charged with the responsibility to convene a Constituent
Assembly, which would be elected on the basis of universal adult franchise
and would draw up a Constitution for the government of the State.
After the institution of the Interim Government,
the National Conference set out to assume control over the entire government
of the State, showing scant regard to the powers reserved for the Maharaja.
Hari Singh, unable to influence the course of events, closed himself in
his palace in Jammu. "I have written", Patel wrote to Nehru, several letters
to Sheikh Sahib about casing tension and improving relations but I regret
to say that I have had no reply. From all accounts it appears that the
arrangements regarding reserved and non-reserved subjects to which Sheikh
Sahib had agreed in March last are being treated as a nullity and the presence
of the Maharaja and the existence of the reserved subjects are both being
ignored." Neither Nehru, nor Patel, nor for that matter Gopalaswamy Ayangar
attempted to remove the difference between the Maharaja and the Interim
Government. "The Government of India had adopted a policy of wild commitment
followed by half-hearted decisions and this had neither served the Maharaja
nor carried the National Conference any further."
Towards the summer, the National Conference changed
its strategy and informed the Government of India that Hard Singh should
be advised to abdicate and the powers, which he still exercised, should
be transferred to the Interim Government. "I am therefore constrained to
aver once again", Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah wrote to the Prime Minister,
"that the choice is finally between the Maharaja and the people and if
the choice is not soon made, it might lead us into very serious trouble
both militarily and politically. The only alternative", Sheikh Mohammad
Abdullah added, "is that his highness should abdicate in favor of his son
and that there should be no reservation whatsoever, in the administration
of various subjects under the Ministers".
In September, Sheiikh Mohammad Abdullah publicly
accused the Maharaja of obstructing the function of Interim Government.
In a press conference, in Srinagar, the Conference leader criticized the
existing constitutional arrangements in the State and demanded the removal
of the Maharaja. The Press conference evoked a sharp rejoinder from the
Home Ministry. Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah struck back harder and threatened
to quit office, if The Maharaja was not removed and the power office government
transferred to the Interim Government.
This was the time when the Government of India
was under heavy pressure in the Security Council, which had foisted upon
it a resolution envisaging the demilitarization of the State and the plebiscite
to determine its final disposition with regard to accession. Realising
that the National Conference alone could muster support for India amongst
the Muslims, the Indian leaders were hardly in a position to displease
the Conference leaders. A decision, in which Sardar Patel concurred, was
finally taken to advise the Maharaja to leave the state and appoint his
son, Karan Singh, the Regent of the State.
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