Displaced Kashmiris: A Study in Cultural Change 1990-2002
by Raj
Nath Bhat
This paper investigates the liguistico-cultural loss among the younger
generation of the displaced Kashmiris who have been living away from the valley
for over a decade now. This segment of the population was either of a tender age
at the time of displacement or was born in the plains. Although it lives with
the middle generation (parents) who are well conversant in Kashmiri language and
culture yet a lack of motivation on the part of the parent as also on their own
part has made them mere passive users of the language. Hindi has acquired the
status of their first language both at home as well as at the school. The
parents are deeply pre-occupied with their daily chores to win bread and butter
for the family. They have neither the time nor any inclination to enable their
children to get acquainted with Kashmir language and culture. The community
extends no support whatsoever whereby the Kashmiri language and culture could be
taught to them. Hindi is the language of the dominant culture and English that
of higher education. Kashmiri finds no place in this kind of linguistic
hierarchy. The younger generation is least inclined to learn and comprehend
their parental cultural and tongue. Rather, it, in their view, is a burden they
can do well without. Obviously, the loss of both the language and culture looks
inevitable.
Introduction
Language and culture are the two fundamental ingredients which give a community
a distinct character and build bonds of fraternity and oneness amongst its
members. The climate, flora and fauna, history and the geographical conditions
of the place where a community lives govern many a cultural entity. Kashmir has
a cool climate where the spring is flowery and the winter snowy. The towns and
villages are full of brooks, rivulets, rivers and springs. One has a
geographical understanding of the directions (east/west etc.) due to the hills
and mountains surrounding one’s place of residence. All such objects are
lacking in the plains. Kashmir valley is full of orchids of almonds and apples,
Chinar and walnut trees are usually grown in the kitchen gardens/backyards.
There are several kinds of flowers-wild and cultivated, foods, places of
religious significance etc. which may not be found in the plains. A displaced
community finds itself in alien surroundings with a new kind of flora and fauna
and language and culture. Several linguistic-cultural entities are inevitably
lost in this scenario because the younger generation cannot get acquainted with
the climate, flora and fauna, and culture of its parental (ancestral) land. Thus
a large number of linguistic-cultural entities are lost even in the passive
competence of the younger generation of a displaced community.
Background
During the medieval times when the Muslim kings inflicted terror in the lives of
Kashmiris, a large majority embraced Islam and a few who stood their ground,
despite repression, sought protection as well as guidance from Guru Tegh Bahadur,
the ninth Sikh Guru, whom the barbaric Mughal King beheaded in Delhi, and his
martyrdom prevented the Kashmiri Hindu culture from going extinct. In the modern
times, the religious and cultural heritage and identity of a people does not
attract the attention of the powers that be unless they constitute a numerically
strong group capable of doing or undoing governments. Pandits of Kashmir
constitute a miniscule minority of nearly half a million people, in the vast
human jungle of India, which does not send even one member to an assembly.
Obviously there is none to take up its cause. On the contrary, there are forces
determined to wipe it out from the cultural scene of India. ‘Scholars’ and
politicians have been observing an intriguing silence regarding the displacement
of the Kashmiri Hindus. The cultural identity of this community is gradually
getting eroded which over the ages has been at the forefront in shaping,
nourishing and nurturing the ‘great Indian culture.’ An authentic history of
the ‘making of India’ would always have to repeatedly refer to Kashmiris’
contributions to ancient Indian knowledge, be it philosophy or religion, logic
or literary theories, astrology or mathematics, history or grammar. The rightful
heirs to the legacy of Kalhana, Abhinavagupta, Laleshwari, Bilhana,
Kuntaka,Vamana, Shankuka and a host of other stalwarts is on the cross-roads
today, bewildered and baffled, unsure of its future.
Migration away from Kashmir of the members of this community has been a
continuous process ever since the advent of Islam into the valley. The terror
and torture inflicted upon this community by the Muslim rulers sends shivers
down one’s spine. The names of Sikander (the idol-breaker), Aurangzeb, Jabbar
etc. continue to be the terror-creators in the folklore of the community.
A few that possessed “the imagination of disaster” probably guessed (and
rightly so ) the intent of the post-independence rulers because the migration of
the members of the community in ones and twos continued during the years after
independence (1947). But the winter of 1989-90 turned out to be the turning
point in the history of this community which constituted a mere 2.5% of total
population ( of the Muslim majority Kashmir valley) - nearly 300,000 souls of
various age groups, social strata and professions.
In order to build an Islamic society in Kashmir valley, the leadership of
this movement offered three options to the minority Hindus : rålív ‘embrace
Islam’, tsålív ‘run away’ natû ‘or else’ gålív ‘perish/face
annihilation’. Killings of prominent Hindus like lawyers, businessmen, judges,
professors, government officers etc. followed . ‘Human Rights’ groups found
no case of the violation of human rights! Powers that be seemed indifferent. By
November 1989, the Muslim terrorists came forward with yet another insulting
slogan which read : así chhú banàvún päkístàn, batav bagär,batûnêv sà
‘we shall join Pakistan, without Hindu men but with Hindu Women’. Meanwhile
the killings of even less prominent members of the community continued. By
December 1989, the Pandits of Kashmir started running away to Jammu, Delhi etc.
to save their lives and honour. The valley in her sad history of the last 600
years, once again witnessed the exodus of its original inhabitants with a 5000
year old history. And by driving the minority community out, the process of
ethnic cleansing in the valley was complete. Human rights groups observed a
sacred silence. Ironically, the posters on Delhi walls during the period read:
“Hands off Kashmiri Muslims….”
Migration of an individual from a rural to an urban environment brings about
some kind of a cultural change in him. For instance, he may switch over to a new
occupation, change his accent in speech, become more polished in his behaviour
and so on but there is always a possibility of going back to one’s village.
Secondly, one does not find himself in alien surroundings here for primarily the
language, foods, clothing, festivals and so on continue to be the same in both
the situations. The migration from one linguistic-cultural setting to another
places an individual in alien surroundings where he has to relearn almost
everything from speech to toiletry. This kind of migration gives a sort of
cultural-shock to the person. When such migrations are forced upon a whole
community, its very existence, the magnitude of its suffering and anguish at
physical, emotional and mental levels cannot easily be assessed or analyzed.
This kind of displacement brings enormous shock and suffering into the lives of
the displaced. They experience Hiroshima and Nagasaki endlessly in their lives.
The displaced Kashmiri Pandits have been living in exile in their own country
for the last twelve years now waiting for some miracles to happen to bring joy
to their lives.
The Community
On the basis of age the displaced Kashmiri community can be divided into three
segment: G1- people of fifty years of age and above; G2-those between
twenty-five and fifty years of age; G3-those below twenty-five years of age.
The G1 is fully aware of the linguistic-cultural moorings of the community.
It speaks the Kashmiri language and observes religious rituals, rites and
customs of the community. It is aware of the socio-cultural traditions, viz.,
festivals, ceremonies, superstitions, myths, foods and clothing and so on. It
has a nostalgic longing for the valley of Kashmir and would go back if the
circumstances so permit it. The migrant camps are full of these lonely, frail
and skinny people. In the camps, a 12*7 feet chamber cannot house a joint family
so the sons and daughters of these old people have either shifted to other
chambers or migrated elsewhere in search of some kind of a semi-employment. In
places far off where their sons have been able to find work, the parents find it
tortuous to stay home alone for the whole day when the son is out at work. So
they prefer to stay on in the camps where they have the company of other
community members whom they can talk to and share their sorrows with. Thus the
joint family system has completely broken down and the young children have no
idea of a family with grandparents, uncles, aunts and cousins around.
The G2 is struggling to root itself somewhere. Although it loves the valley
yet it is unsure whether a return there would be desirable if the situation so
arises. It struggles hard to feed the family, educate the children, attend to
social obligations, negotiate its existence at its new place of work or in the
market and the lanes and by-lanes of the alien place(s) he finds himself in.
Although he speaks Kashmiri fluently yet he has lost an interest in traditional
festivals, customs and rituals etc.
The G3 is the generation of young members with little or no memories of the
valley. It was of a tender age at the time of displacement and a small
percentage has come to life in the plains after the displacement. (After the
displacement, the fertility has come down considerably among the members of the
community. Divorce rate is on the rise and one-child norm has become the holy
mantra). For this segment of the displaced community Kashmir is merely a
geographic entity. Their primary (vehicular) language is Hindi and English is
their second language. They also have a certain degree of passive competence in
Kashmiri, their gregarious language -the language of social intimacy and shared
identity (Calvet,1987).
The
urban-rural distinction is no longer applicable for the displaced community is
scattered in several urban centers across the country with large concentrations
stationed in Jammu and Delhi. On the
economic scale too the community can be divided
into three categories : a)
The economically settled with their
own houses who are in the
process of integrating
with the dominant cultures
around them; b) the small
section housed in rented
accommodations; and c) the large section
sheltered in the migrant camps
or slums in
and around Jammu. These
camps, in my view, should be
considered as the centers where
linguistic-cultural maintenance or loss could
be authentically studied.
Cultural
Loss
Culture
is more or less a language game as language is a repository of socio-cultural
belief systems and customs of a community. Pheran and kangri have
no importance in the plains so is the case with a large number of other
linguistic and cultural entities which have had a socio-religious significance
in the valley. The G3 is almost completely unacquainted with such terms and many
more. Of such items, although large in number, a few have been recorded here for
illustration.
A house in Kashmir invariably has a brànd (porch/threshold) and bràndû
lívún (porch-cleaning) has a religious-cultural significance for a Hindu
lady. The phrase bràmdû kåni (lit.
porch-stone), land lady/wife has a cultural importance for the whole speech
community. The concepts as well as their religious-cultural importance is lost
to the G3. A typical Kashmiri house has three storeys: vót (ground
floor), kúth (first floor) and känì (second floor). vót
is used during winter for sitting as well as for cooking. kúth is
the bedroom meant for use in all seasons. känì is used for cooking and
sitting during summer. Two social customs i) going up to känì in
spring, känì khasún, and ii) going down to live at the ground floor, vót
vasún, during late autumn are no longer known to the G3. A house there
would also have a thòkúr kúth (prayer room), dab ‘ (wooden
veranda). Panjrû (wooden
netted window), bräri känì
(cat’s top-floor), síngal
(wooden roof), tshêy (hay
roof) etc. All these terms are lost to the G3.
The onset of spring would be marked by sòntû phúlay (blossoming
of flower and fruit trees). On navréh the
Kashmiri ‘New Year day’ people would go to parks and gardens to enjoy the
warm sunshine and the colourful spring flowers. Such celebrations have ceased to
be a part of the cultural life of the community in the plains and the G3 is
simply unaware of such festivities.
Walnut, almond, apricot, peach, cherry and all other fruit trees would
flower in spring. The flowers would gradually turn into unripe fruit. The
children as well as the adults would enjoy kernels of green walnuts and almonds.
The green coat of the unripe walnut fruit would dye one’s palms dark-yellow.
The vocabulary items like gól (green coat of a walnut), pìrû gùli (green
walnut kernel) are not known to the G3.
Summer meant paddy and vegetable plantations and other agricultural
activities associated with it. The
linguistic items like thal karún (plantation)
and agricultural implement like alûbäni (plough),
bílchû (shovel), tóngúr (pick-axe), gìnti (pick),
makh (axe) dròt (sickle) etc. are not known to the G3. Similarly,
there are a number of other linguistic terms which are associated with paddy
like‘dàní lònún (harvesting), chhómbún (thrashing),
gandún (tying), múnún (helling) etc. which
the G3 is unacquainted with.
kàngûr (fire-pot/brazier)
used by every Kashmiri during winter to keep him/herself warm has several
components, viz., kôndúl (earthen pot inside the Kangri, kàní (dried
willow twigs), tsàlan (a wooden or metallic spatula tied to the fire
pot), which are naturally lost to the G3, for kàngûr has no place in
the hot plains. During autumn when trees shed their leaves, people broom those
into piles, pan dúvún (broom-leaves), and put those on fire, pan
zàlún (burn-leaves) to prepare tsûní (coal) for use in the Kangri.
Overuse of a Kangri would burn the
skin on one’s thigh which is known as nàrû tót (skin-burn). One
would put a little zetû/têngúl (live coal) into tsûní kàngûr (fire
pot full of wood/leaf coal) to ignite it. All these terms have lost
significance, hence are lost to the G3.
phêran
(a woolen gown without
a front cut) has a special place in Kashmiri attire. Associated with it are the
terms like pòtsh (cotton lining of a phêran), phêran làd (a
fold at the bottom of a phêran), which terms are not in the
repertoire of the G3. Similarly the
Hindu women’s traditional head-gear, tarûngû, and its components like
zùj, pùts, shìshûlàth etc. are completely lost as far as the G3 is
concerned. tarûngû has an important cultural and social significance
for the community especially at the time of marriage when a bride is necessarily
required to wear it a day before the
wedding after the religious
ritual of dívgòn (the
entrance of the devas).
Traditionally the community has been celebrating birthdays of the family
members according to the Hindu lunar
calendar. People would remember
their respective
dates of birth
accordingly. But not now. Preparation of tåhår (yellow rice) as
part of the birth day celebrations is losing
ground and instead cutting a
cake according to the Gregorian calendar has replaced it . Due to a lack
of knowledge of the traditional calendar, the significance of the
religious/auspicious days like ätham (8th day
of a bright/lunar fortnight), pûním (15th day
of the lunar fortnight), màvas (15th day
of the dark/moonless fortnight), kàh (11th day
of a fortnight) is gradually being lost. The
religious festivals/ rituals
like gàdû batû (fish-rice for the
house-deity), kàvû pûním (crow’s purnima), manjhòrû
tåhår (yellow-rice of the Magar month), hèrath salàm (2nd day
of the Shiv Ratri) are least
understood by the G3. The rituals like sòntû thàl
(spring plate), kàvû pótúl (crow’s idol) etc. are simply
lost. Same is the case with such superstitions like zangí yún (to be
the first
to cross some one on his/her
way out of home), búth vúchhún (see somebody’s face first in the
morning), sàtû nèrún (to leave a place on an
auspicious day) etc. which are not known
to the G3.
Shivratri has traditionally been the
most important religious festival of the Pandits whose
celebrations would continue for over a fortnight. Special earthen pots
used to be bought on this occasion to perform pùjà of vatúkh
(the bachelor shiva), kàpàlík (tantric), sóní pótúl
(bridegroom shiva) and other deities
for four days in succession. Each member of the family would reach
home for this festival. Prasad is the form of wet walnuts and chappatis
made of rice–flour used to be distributed among the
neighbours and the relatives. In the
plains where the family members are scattered in various parts of the
country, this festival has lost the
traditional importance. Now a token puja
is performed with steel utensils.
Similarly, the sanctity
of other religious festivals
like Janam Ashtami, shràvnû pûním, zèthû ätham etc. is gradually
getting eroded.
The death of a family member
used to be followed by several death–rites
after dàh (cremation), namely, chhalún (washing), dåhím-kåhím-båhím
dóh (10th –11th –12th day),
pachhívàr, (15th day),
màsûvàr (month-day), shadmòs (6th month),
våhrûvär (death anniversary) and shràd
(offerings of food and water) would be performed on these days to seek
peace for the departed soul. All these rites
are being abridged now to save time and money both of which are scarce with the
displaced community.
Similarly, traditional foods like the preparations of lotus-stalk,
potato, green vegetables, some of which, for instance, vôpal hàkh, kratsh,
etc. are not even grown in the plains are not
known to the G3.
The valley is a bed of flowers where a large number of them grow in the
wild and a larger number is cultivated. G3 would
not know what such–like names as yåmbûrzal, tènkûbatani,
pìtàmbar etc. refer to. Similarly, there is a large number of terms referring to
plants, birds, insects, grasses etc. which the G3
is unacquainted with.
Each language has its own
resources for such social activities
as greetings, condoling, blessing, cursing, abusing
and so on. Kashmiri, being the mother tongue of a Hindu minority and a
huge Muslim majority has a rich vocabulary of Sanskrit-Prakrit and Perso-Arabic
origins, the former
employed by the Hindus and
the latter by the Muslims. Personal names, quite a number of surnames,
names of objects which have religious connotations (like àb / pòni for
water), religious terms, modes of greeting, even curses, invectives and abuses
would indicate whether one were a Hindu
or a Muslim (Bhat, 1997). A Kashmiri speaker would greet members of different
religious beliefs (Hindus and
Muslims) differently. There is a huge chunk of lexical items employed for
greeting, condoling, blessing,
praying etc. used by Hindu Kashmiris and an equivalent corpus used by Muslim
Kashmiris. The younger generation
now in the plains does not have any kind of exposure to the Muslim Kashmiri
corpus. (Same should be true of the
younger generation placed in
the valley which does not have
any idea about the Hindu Kashmiri). Thus a significant
corpus of synonyms is on the verge
of extinction.
Many more socio-cultural vocabulary items could be
enumerated here which the G3
is unacquainted with, for
instance, the terms related
to such like professions/trades like carpentry, masonry or the
terms employed by iron/gold smith, barber, cobbler,
butcher, and so on. Similarly, such holy places
like túlmúl, khrûv, shädipòr, akíngòm, shènkràchàr, parbath, màrtand etc. which have a sacred place in the
hearts of the devout Hindus of the valley, do not
denote anything to the G3.
Attitude
The
G3 considers Kashmiri
language a burden which would not
benefit it in its development and
progress. The homeless
and bewildered G2 is
concerned more about bread-earning
and education of its wards. Ancestral language
and culture are such issues which do not find
any place of importance in its
conscious mind. The issues of vital
importance with it are: job, food, clothing, education, and the possibility of
rooting itself somewhere – finding
a permanent home for itself. It is in search of a new identity for itself for it
fondly desires that the suffering and torture experienced by it due to the
displacement should not be the fate
of its children as well. Consequently, the G3–the innocent
generation, which at this point
in time is unable to appreciate the
importance of a community’s linguistic and cultural
identity, gets negligible linguistic and cultural input from the G2 for
its social development.
G3 is deeply concerned about its individual
progress. It does not see any benefit accruing
from learning Kashmiri. It
converses with its parents and peers
in Hindi. Kashmiri is a burden it can well do without. Under these circumstances
one is required to justify the use of a particular language by probably
reflecting upon the inner qualities of the language, its resources, its
functions and use, the religious and cultural activities associated with it and,
also, the strength of the efforts made to maintain it (Lewis, 1982: 215).
Language loss inevitably leads to cultural loss. Commenting on the consequences
of not learning one’s own tongue, Fanon (1961) observes that such a community
internalizes the norms of the other (dominant) culture ‘which leads to
cultural deracination’. Consequently, its culture, institutions, life-styles
and ideas get devaluated, suppressed and stagnated which may eventually lead to
its integration with the larger
culture around.
Linguistic Deprivation
Kashmiri is taught at the school in the Kashmir valley only. G2 does not
have the requisite resources to arrange for the teaching of Kashmiri language
and culture to the G3 nor is the latter interested or inclined to appreciate its
parental tongue and the ancestral culture. Fishman(1990) opines that language
survival depends crucially on the
language(s) of primary socialization in the family. Calvet (1987) reflects on
the efforts of the Shuar community of Ecuador (Latin America) which has
succeeded in integrating its language and culture with education. Shuar
schools are run independently of the State control. They make
extensive use of radio and TV and demonstrate
that the survival of a ‘gregarious language’ could be ensured
through community effort.
But, unlike Shuar, Kashmiri Pandit is a community scattered in several
urban centers across the country with a large number (nearly 2.5 lakh) stationed
in Jammu and Delhi. Obviously, the demise of its identity as a distinct
linguistic and cultural community seems inevitable within the next two
generations when both the G1 & G2, the store-houses of its language and
culture, would cease to be around.
Burchfield (1985: 160) has aptly remarked :
“Poverty,
famine and diseases are instantly recognized as the cruelest and least excusable
forms of deprivation. Linguistic (and cultural) deprivation is a less easily
noticed condition but one nevertheless of great significance.”
Preservation
After the advent of Islam in the Valley, when Persian replaced Sanskrit
as the language of administration, senior members of the residue-pandits (a
large majority had been forced to embrace Islam) organized a kind of a
conference to deliberate on and find
means to preserve their religion and culture so as
to prevent it from going extinct.
In that historic conclave, it was decided that
in order to participate in State administration, it were necessary to learn
Persian, so the son’s son would learn the
language of administration and the daughter’s son, if he were educated
by his maternal grandparents, would
learn 'bhasha ‘Sanskrit’ and religious scriptures and eventually
perform religious rites and rituals. Thus, two
distinct sects, one of bhasha
Pandits or purohits ‘clergymen’ and another of the kaarkun ‘the
men of administration’ were created. In course of time the Purohit became
dependent upon the Kaarkun for dakhshinaa ‘offerings’ to make his
living and the Kaarkun came to be considered as a superior class to the
men of religion. This historic ‘decision’ has brought the community
to an impasse now where
the purohits too are scarce and the very identity of the community is at
stake. At this juncture it
not only involves the religious rites and rituals, customs, festivals and
ceremonies, beliefs, myths and superstitions
but also their mother tongue which
was not under threat during the Muslim period.
The community elders need to sit together
again to think about its linguistic and cultural heritage and find out
means to preserve it. Otherwise, the literary
and religious writings of Laleshwari, Parmanand, Zinda Koul and host of other leelaas
‘prayer songs’ would be lost for having no takers and
interpreters in not so distant a future.
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L.- J. 1987. La guerre des languages et les politiques linguistiques.
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Fanon,
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Fishman,
J.A. 1990. ‘What is reversing language shift (RLS) and how can it
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Source: Milchar
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