Aspects of Kashmiri Pandit Culture

by Raj Nath Bhat

Background

Kashmiri Pandits have been a profoundly religious people; religion has played a pivotal role in shaping their customs, rituals, rites, festivals and fasts, ceremonies, food habits and the worship of their deities. Kashmir is widely known as the birth-place of ‘Kashmir Shaivism’ – a philosophy expounding the unity of Shiva and Shakti. Hence, Shaiva, Bhakti and Tantra constitute the substratum of the ritualistic worship of Kashmiri Pandits on which the tall edifice of the worship of Vishnu (Krishna and Ram), Lakshmi and Saraswati, and a host of other deities has been built.

Kashmir has also been a great centre of learning for several centuries. It has been a major centre of Buddhist learning for nearly a millennium during which period a sizeable number of revered Kashmiri Buddhist scholars travelled as far as Sri Lanka in the South and Tibet and China in the North. The contribution of these scholars commands a place of pride in the extant Buddhist philosophy. Unfortunately, this tradition was brought to an almost abrupt end by the Pathan and Mongol invaders in the 14th century C.E.

Though the advent of Islam produced a clash of civilizations, it also brought into being a ‘composite culture’ in which saintly figures (Rshi, Pir, Mot, Shah) came to be revered and respected equally by the polytheistic Hindu as well as the monotheistic Muslim .

This journey through over three millennia has shaped the cultural moorings of the Kashmiri Pandit (KP hereafter) and provided him with a vast corpus of impressions and expressions, which have given him a distinct cultural identity.

Today the KP is on the crossroads, bewildered and baffled, homeless and nameless. His progeny is in a flux, unsure of its morrow and unaware of the traditions that its forefathers held dear to their hearts. This paper records some of the major socio-cultural beliefs, traditions, customs and festivals of the KP with the hope that the younger KP generation will know, learn, and comprehend the essence of KP culture which evolved long periods of peace and turmoil.

Festivals and Fasts

Festivals break the monotony of everyday work and provide the members of a community with an opportunity to feel cheerful, happy and relaxed. Hindu festivals have a deep spiritual import and religious significance and have also a social and hygienic element in them. On festival days people take an early morning bath and pray and meditate which gives them peace of mind and a new vigour.

In their lunar calendar, KPs observe a number of festivals and fasts, most of which fall in the dark fortnight (Krishna paksh). The eighth (ashtami), eleventh (ekadashi) and fifteenth (Amavas/ Purnima) days of both dark as well as bright fortnights, and the 4th day of the dark fortnights (Sankat Chaturthi) are considered so auspicious that people would observe fast on these days.

KP new-year (Navreh) begins on the first day of the bright fortnight of the month of Chaitra. On the eve of Navreh, a thali full of rice is decorated with fresh flowers, currency notes, pen and inkpot, curds, figurine/picture of a deity and (dry)fruits. Early in the morning, the one who wakes up first (usually the lady of the house), sees this thali as the first object in the New Year and then takes it to all other members of the family, wakes them up to enable them to see the decorated thali before seeing anything else. This signifies a wish and hope that the new year would bring wisdom and blessing to every member of the family all through the year.

On the 3rd day of Navreh, the community members go out to nearby parks, temples, or outing spots to enable people to meet each other after nearly four months of snowy-winter. It is a social gathering where men, women and children put on their best attire to get ready for the new year chores. The eighth and the ninth days of the same fortnight are observed as Durga Ashtami and Ram Navami respectively. The fortnight marks the beginning of Spring, an important junction of climatic and solar influences. Durga Ashtami is celebrated to propitiate Shakti to seek her blessing and mercy. The eighth day of the dark fortnights of the Zyeshth and Ashar months are also celebrated with great devotion, when people throng the Rajnya temple at Tulumula (Gandarbal), and Akingam, Lokutpur (Anantnag) to pray and worship Maa Shakti.

The 14th day of the bright fortnight of the Ashara month is specially dedicated to Jwalaji, the Goddess of fire. People in large numbers go to Khrew, 20 kms. from Srinagar and offer yellow rice and lamb’s lung to the Goddess.

Purnima of the Shravana month is the day of Lord Shiva. On this day pilgrims reach the holy Amarnath cave to have a ‘darshan’ of the holy ice-lingam. People also go to Thajivor (near Bijbehara) to pray at the ancient Shiva temple there.

The sixth day of the dark fortnight of Bhadrapada is sacred to women. On this day, known as Chandan Shashthi, women observe a dawn to dusk fast and bathe sixty times during the day.

The eighth day of the dark fortnight of Bhadrapada is celebrated as the birthday of Krishna, the 8th incarnation of Lord Vishnu. On this day people sing in daintly decorated temples prayer songs in admiration of Lord Krishna. They do not eat solid food till midnight.

The Amavasya of the same fortnight is called Darbi Mawas. On this day the family Guru (purohit) brings ‘Darab’, a special kind of grass, which is tied to the main entrance of the house.

The Ashtami of the bright half of Bhadrapada is known as Ganga Ashtami. On this day people go on a pilgrimage to Gangabal. The 14th day of the same fortnight is called ‘Anta Chaturdashi’. On this day the family purohit brings‘anta’ a special thread which married women wear along with 'atûhór', a threaded bunch of silk tied to one’s ear. The ‘anta’ is cleaned and worshipped like a 'Janev', the sacred thread worn by men. The 4th day of this fortnight is dedicated to Vinayak, the son of Shiva. Families prepare special sweet rotis known as 'pan' on this day or during the remaining days of this fortnight. When the'pan' is ready, it is worshipped and the tale of its origin is recited by the eldest member of the family. The rotis are distributed among the neighbours and relations as 'pan naveed'.

The dark half of Asoj is the fortnight of ancestors, pitra paksh (kàmbûri pachh). During this fortnight people pay homage to their dead parents, grandparents, great grandparents by performing Shraadha and giving away rice, money, fruits, clothes and other things to the needy.

Mahanavami and Dussehra, marking Lord Rama’s victory over the demon Ravana, fall on the 9th and 10th days of the bright half of Asoj. Episodes from Ramayana are enacted during this period.

Diwali, the festival of lights, falls on the14th day of the dark half of the Kartika month. All the corners, windows, balconeys and eddies of the house are illuminated with lights. It is also believed that Lord Rama returned to Ayodhya on this day and Lord Krishna killed the demon Narakasura; hence, this day symbolizes the triumph of good over evil.

The third day of the bright half of Magara month is celebrated as the day of the ‘Guru’ (Guru tritya). Before the advent of Islam in Kashmir, scholars were awarded degrees to honour their academic achievements on this day (a precursor to present-day convocations). On this day, the family purohit brings a picture of Goddess Saraswati for a new-born baby or a new daughter-in-law in the family. On the Purnima of the same fortnight yellow rice (tåhår) is prepared early in the morning and served as prasad to children and adults in the family.

During the dark half of the month of Posh, the deity of the house is propitiated for seeking his blessings. The deity (dayút) is served rice and cooked and raw fish on any chosen day between the 1st and the fourteenth of the fortnight. On the day of the feast, called 'gàdû batû' , fish and rice is placed in the uppermost storey of the house late in the evening for the dayút who is expected to shower blessings on the family.

The Amawasya of the same fortnight is the auspicious day of 'khétsí màvas', when rice mixed with moong beans and other cereals is cooked in the evening to please the 'yaksha' (yóchh) so that he casts no evil on the members of the family. The 'cereal-rice' (yéchhû tsót) is placed at so a spot outside the house, believed to be the yaksha’s place.

The 7th day of the dark half of the month of Marga is observed as the death anniversary of Mata Roopabhawani and the 11th day of the same fortnight is observed as Bhimsen ekadashi. It is believed, that from this day the earth begins to warm up and snow starts melting. The purnima of this month is celebrated as Kaw purnima (kàv pûním), that is crow’s purnima. On this day, the cup of a laddle like object, 'kàvû pôtúl' - crow’s idol (a square front cup made of hay with a willow handle) is filled with a little rice and vegetables and the children of the family are made to go to the upper storey of the house and invite crows to the feast. The children invite the crows thus :

"Crow pandit-crow, cereal- rice crow

come from Gangabal, bath meditation having done,

to our new house, to eat cereal-rice"

Shivratri (herath) is the most auspicious KP festival. Beginning on the first day of the dark half of Phalgun, its celebration continues for twenty three days till the 8th day of the bright half of the same month. During this period the house is cleaned thoroughly for getting it ready for the marriage of Shiva and Parvati on the 13th day of the dark fortnight.

The 13th is the wedding night when watukh, Shiva in bachelor as well as in bridegroom forms, is worshipped along with the bride Parvati, Kapaliks, Shaligram till late in the night. Watukh, that is, ‘Shiva’s marriage party, is worshipped for four days, upto the 1st day of the bright half of the month. On this day, watukh is cleaned (parmùzún / parimarjan) of all the flower petals etc. at a tap in the compound of the house. Then it is taken back into the house where the eldest lady of the house bolts the entrance-door from inside. The members carrying the watukh knock at the door and the following exchange of words takes place :

... and so on.

At the end of the watakh puja Shivratri prasad in the form of kernels of walnut and roti made from rice flour is distributed amongst neighbours and relatives. The distribution of the prasad is completed before the 8th day of the bright half.

The 11th day of the bright fortnight marks the beginning of sònth (Spring). On the eve of sònth, a thali full of rice is decorated as on the new-year eve to be seen as the first thing on the morning of ekadashi.

Rituals and Rites

The domestic rites and rituals among the Hindus are popularly known as Karma and Sanskara. In the form of Karmas they are cherished as programmes of duty to be observed by all householders and as Sanskaras, these enable the devotee to make their observance rhythmical. The rites and rituals serve the external and internal modes of purity (shrùts). Together they constitute certain ceremonies beginning with the Garbhadhaana or the rite of impregnation and ending with the anteshti or the funeral rite including Shraddha. These can be divided into pre-natal, natal, post-natal, prenuptial, nuptial, post-nuptial, pre-obituary, obituary, and post-obituary.

Marriage

Hindu marriage is not a social contract but a religious institution, a sacrament in which besides the bride and the groom, there is a spiritual or divine element on which the permanent relationship between the husband and the wife depends. The husband and the wife are responsible not only to each other, they also owe allegiance to the divine element. This mystic aspect of Hindu marriage necessitates a number of symbols. The marriage creates a new bond between the bride and the groom. They have to rear up this union by dedicating their entire energy in the direction of their common interest and ideal.

Marriage is possible only between those families which have had no kinship for seven generations on the paternal side and four generations on the maternal side. Once the boy and the girl consent to join as man and wife in a life-long bond, their parents meet in a temple in the company of the middleman (if there is any) and some select family members from both the sides to vow that they would join the two families in a new bond of kinship

This ritual is known as kasam dríy. This is followed by a formal engagement ceremony (tàkh) in which some members of the groom’s family and relatives visit the bride’s place to partake of a rich feast. The party brings a Saree and some ornaments, which the bride is made to wear by her would be sister-in-law. During this ceremony, the two parties exchange flowers and vow to join the two families through wedlock. A younger brother or sister of the bride accompanies the groom’s party with a gift of clothes for the groom.

After this function the two families begin to make preparations for the marriage ceremony which is held an some auspicious day after consulting a purohit.  

Several rituals are associated with marriage whose observance begins nearly a week before the wedding day. The bride’s family begins with what is known as 'garnàvay' (literally: get madeup) when the hair of the bride are let loose. This is followed by 'sàtû mänz' (first henna or auspicious henna) when henna is applied to the bride and the groom by their respective mothers and aunts. These rituals are attended by near relatives and neighbours. 'mänzíràt' (henna night) is the first major event when all the relatives-men, women and children in the extended families assemble at the girl’s and the boy’s respective places. This is a night of much rejoicing and feasting. The evening meal is followed by a series of ceremonial acts. Henna is pasted on the hands and feet of the bride and the groom in their respective places and almost every young boy and all women and girls paste henna on their hands and elderly women sing traditional songs. Before pasting henna, maternal aunt (maami) washes the feet and hands of the bride and the groom, and the paternal aunt (bua) applies henna, and the maternal aunt (maasi) burns incence to ward off evil. Meanwhile women, girls and boys sing traditional ditties as well as popular songs appropriate to the occasion.

While the singing, & henna pasting is on, the bride as well as the groom are given a 'kaní shràn' (thorough bath) by aunts and sisters-in-law to prepare them for 'dívgòn', the entrance of Devtas. After the ceremonial bath, the boy and the girl wear clothes brought by their respective maternal uncles. The bride is made to wear 'déjíhòr' - a gold ornament, and 'kalpùsh' -a variety of headgear.

'déjíhòr' is tied to a gold chain known as ‘'ath' which is provided by the groom’s family on the wedding day to complete the holy alliance between Shiva - the groom, and Parvati - the bride.

'dívgòn' is the religious ritual performed after the bath. The family purohit performs a small yajna on this occasion. 'dívgòn', it is believed, transforms the bride and the groom into ‘Devtas’.

On the wedding day, the groom wears a colourful dress with a saffron-coloured turban on his head. He is made to stand on a beautifully made 'vyùg' (rangoli) in the front compound of the house where parents, relatives and friends put garlands made of fresh plucked flowers, of cardamom and currency notes round the groom’s neck. A cousin holds a flower-decked umbrella to protect the groom against evil. Conch-shells are blown, ditties are sung and the groom’s party moves towards the bride’s place usually in cars and other modes of transport.
Conch-shells announce the arrival of the groom and his party at the bride’s place where the lane leading to the main entrance to the house is beautifully decorated with colourful flowers and dyed saw-dust. Upon entering the compound of the bride’s house, the groom is welcomed by traditional songs sung by the bride’s relations. He is put on a rangoli where the bride draped in a colourful silk Saree is made to stand beside him on his left side. There is another round of garlanding from the girl’s relatives. Then the mother of the bride comes with a thali of small lighted lamps made of kneaded rice flour and an assortment of sweets and makes the groom and the bride eat from the same piece of sweet a couple of times. After this the bride is taken back into the house and the groom is made to stand at the main door of the house for a short 'dvàr pùzà' (door prayers). The groom’s party joins the bride’s relatives in a very rich feast. Meanwhile the bride and the groom are seated in a beautifully decorated room for a series of rituals and ceremonies amidst chanting of Sanskrit mantras for several hours with little breaks in between. During these ceremonies, the bride is supported by her maternal uncle. The purohits of the two families recite mantras and make the bride, groom and their parents to perform a number of rituals with fire (agni) as the witness. The boy and the girl take seven rounds of the agni-kund (spring of fire) and vow to live together in prosperity and adversity, in joy as well as in sorrow, till they are separated by death. 'lågûn', as this ceremony is called, is followed by 'pòshû pùzà' (showering of flowers) in which a red shawl is spread over the bride and the groom, held at four edges by four people, and amidst recitation of shlokas all the elderly people shower flowers on the two ‘devtas’. After this ceremony the bride and the groom are taken to the kitchen and made to eat from the same plate.

A 'vyùg' (rangoli) is laid in the compound and the bride and the groom stand on it. Now the bride joins the groom to the groom’s place where yet another rangoli is laid and the bride and the groom are made to stand on it. Here the groom’s party relaxes and the bride is made to wear'ath'', the gold chain which is attached to 'déjíhòr'. Her hair and head-gear 'tarûngû' are tied and she is made to wear a saree given to her by the groom’s family.

After this they return to the bride’s place with a small party comprising the groom’s father, brothers, sisters, brothers-in-law, and a couple of friends. As a member of her new family, she is now a guest at her parent’s place. The groom’s party asks the bride’s parents to send her (the bride) to her family (the in-laws). After a little tea, the party leaves for the groom’s place. A younger brother/sister/cousin of the bride accompanies the party to the groom’s place. On the next day or a couple of days later depending upon the mahoorat (auspicious day), the newly married couple visit the wife’s parents. This visit is known as 'satràt' or 'phírsàl'. Upon reaching the wife’s parent’s place, the man and wife are welcomed with 'àlat' - a thali with water, rice, coins and flowers.
The nuptials in their utterances, promises, and hopes symbolize a great social transition in the life of the bride and the bridegroom. They have to earn their own livelihood, procreate children and discharge their obligations towards Gods, parents, children and other creatures of the world. The nuptial ceremonies these address all aspects of married life: biological, physical, and mental.

During the first year after marriage the girl’s parents send gifts to the groom’s place on a number of occasion in the form of cash, clothes, sweets, fruits, & cooked food. Gifts are sent on the birthdays of the groom, the bride & groom’s parents; prasad in the form of wanlnuts and baked bread etc. on Shivratri (hèrats bòg), fruits, sweets etc. on Janamashtami and Diwali; 'pôlàv' etc. on 'khétsí màvas'; During the month of Magar a special ceremony known as 'shíshúr' is solemnized when the bride is provided with a special 'kàngûr'-a brazier used during winter, and 'shíshúr' (til seeds wrapped in a piece of silk) is tied on her upper garment. On this day, near relatives, especially women, of the groom’s family are invited and the girl’s parents send gifts in the form of clothes, cash, to their daughter.

lath môklàvûni
During her first pregnancy, the girl’s parents invite her to their home, and after a little puja, she is made to wear a new headgear 'tarûngû'. Then accompanied by a sister / cousin, she goes back to her home with milk, clothes, cash, baked bread & other gifts.

sôndar
On the seventh day after delivery, the mother and the baby are given a hot bath. Special vegetarian / non-vegetarian dishes are prepared on the occasion. Pieces of paper or 'búrzû' (birch bark) are burnt in an earthen plate and circled thrice round the heads of the mother and the baby to ward off evil. Seven plates of special food are served to the paternal aunts of the baby. This is exclusively a women’s ceremony. On this day the mother’s parents send ‘trûy phót' (wife’s basket) which contains clothes, rotis, sugar, spices, cash for the newborn, and its parents and grandparents.

kàh nèthar
This is the religious ceremony of purification. On the 11th day after childbirth, a small ‘hawan’ is performed in the house and a tilak is applied on the forehead of the newborn . The baby’s maternal grandparents send clothes on the occasion. This ends 'hòntsh' (impure effect) in the family.
On the 12th day the baby is put on a rangoli laid in the house-threshold (porch) and a piece of sweet is touched to its lips, the family elders shower blessings on the baby. The baby & the mother visit its maternal grandparents where they may stay for a few days. On their return, the grandparents send baked items mutton preparations, curds, milk & clothes for the baby, its parents and paternal grandparents.

mèkhlà or mèkhal
In the past the sacred thread ceremony of boy was performed when he would become seven years old, i.e. when he would be able to wash the sacred thread 'yòní' (jeniv) and recite the “Gayatri Mantra”. Usually, all the boys in the family are made to wear the sacred thread together in a single ceremony. 'mèkhlà' or yajnopavit involves all the ceremonies and rituals, like 'mänzíràt', 'dívgòn'' etc. associated with a marriage ceremony. After 'dívgòn' the boys' (called 'mèkhlí mahàràzû' - mekhla grooms), heads are shaven and they are made to wear saffron-coloured robes.

Mothers, and paternal aunts wear red and white thread 'närívan' on their ears and a huge agni-kund’ is prepared where seven purohits recite vedic mantras for nearly 12 hours and ghee, jaggery, rice and paddy are constantly poured into the agni-kund to please the devtas and seek their blessing. For the whole day relatives and friends come to this ‘'Hawan Pandal' and the eldest of the 'mèkhlí mahàràzû begs of them to give 'dakshínà' (offerings) for the gurus (the purohits), which the visitors are pleased to give him 'åbìd' (dakshina). Towards the evening the family-purohit asks the father of the mekhla grooms to put the sacred thread on them. This is a very emotional moment for the purohits as well as the father, the members of the family, and relatives. The chanting of mantras rises to the highest pitch and the mekhla-grooms are made to wear the sacred thread, marking their entrance into the pure brahmanical fold. This begins their brahmachari period, the first stage of Hindu life, when they seek only knowledge and wisdom. After this the Guru (family-purohit) whispers the Gayatri Mantra into the ears of the mekhla grooms. They are directed to recite this mantra every morning after taking a bath.

Once the yajna is concluded, the maternal uncle(s) of the mekhla –grooms takes them to a nearby temple. Meanwhile prasad in the form of rice, cereals, vegetables is served to all the relatives and friends including the mekhla grooms, and their parents who observe a fast for the whole day.

The next day (kôshalhòm) is observed as a day of feasting when mutton preparations are served. A day or two later, depending upon the position of the planets, sweet rice 'khír' is prepared and a small puja held. After this the mekhla-grooms are made to put on a new sacred thread and the mothers and the aunts remove the 'närívan'. This brings to an end the rituals connected with the yajnopavit ceremony.

Death rites
When a person breathes his / her last, his/her mortal remains are washed in water to which Ganga jal is added. Cotton buds are put into his / her ears and nostrils. A coin is placed at its lips. The whole body is covered in a white shroud and tied with a thread (närívan). The body is then placed on a plank of wood and four persons take the coffin on their shoulders to the cremation ground. The eldest son of the deceased carries an earthen pitcher in his hand and leads the coffin. Some distance away from the cremation ground, the coffin is placed on the ground and the family members, relatives and friends are allowed to have a last glimpse of the deceased’s face. The coffin is then taken to the cremation ground and put on a pyre. The eldest son, after taking three rounds around the pyre, lights it. From second to the ninth day of one’s death, his/her eldest son and daughter come out on to the house threshold before sunrise and call upon their departed father/mother a couple of times, asking him:

bôchhí mà låjíy babò / mäjì?
(Are you hungry father/mother?)
trèsh mà låjíy babò / mäjì?
(Are you thirsty father/mother?)
tür mà låjíy babò / mäjì?
(Are you feeling cold father/mother?)

On the fourth day of cremation the sons and some relatives and family friends go to the cremation ground to gather ashes (åstrûk). Most of it are immersed into a nearby river /stream and a part is put into an earthen pitcher and taken to Haridwar for immersion into the holy Ganges.

On the 10th day, the sons of the deceased along with many relatives and the family purohit go to a river bank where sons’ heads are shaved and a Shraadha is performed. The relatives after having lunch leave the family of the deceased alone. On the 11th day, the sons and daughters perform a very elaborate Shraadha under the guidance of a purohit. The ceremony ends with aahuuti given to agni invoking almost all the deities, major rivers, temple towns, mountains, and lakes of South Asia. On this day the daughters too pay dakshina to the purohit and arrange food for the families of their brothers.

On the same day, ‘oil’ is provided for the deceased (tìl dyún) in which mustard oil is poured into a large number of earthen lamps and cotton wicks are immersed and lighted in them. Favourite vegetarian foods are prepared in the name of the deceased. Burning of oil lamps is meant to provide light to the deceased in the ‘other’ world.

Another Shraadha is held on the 12th day after death. This marks the end of the mourning, when married daughters return to their homes.

During the first three months, a Shraadha is performed after every fifteen days i.e. on the 30th, 45th, 60th, 75th and 90th day of death . An elaborate Sharaadha is held on the 180th day (shadmòs). The Shraadha on the first death anniversary (våhårûvär) too is an elaborate one. Daughters and sons and their husbands/wives assemble to perform both shadmòs and våhårûvär.

After this a Shraadha is done every year on the death anniversary and one during the pitra-paksh. The children (sons and daughters) offer water to their deceased parents and three generations of grandparents every morning.

Language and food
KP has been a polyglot throughout the known history. Besides mother tongue (Kashmiri) it has had a sound knowledge of Sanskrit, Persian, Urdu-Hindi, and English at different periods in history. Literatures of these languages are a testimony to their genius and creativity. Their original contributions in the areas of philosophy, theology, aesthetics, logic, grammar, astronomy etc. occupy a place of pride in the extant literatures of these disciplines.

KP loves vegetarian foods yet mutton and fish have been its favourite. Rice and knolkhol (hàkh batû) has been its primary requirement. The use of a wide variety of spices, e.g. aniseed powder, turmeric powder, chilly powder, ginger powder, black-pepper, cardamom, saffron etc. is very common among the KPs. Besides knolkhol, KP relishes beans, potato, spinach, lotus-stalk, sonchal, raddish, turnip, cabbage, cauliflower, wild mushroom, cheese and an assortment of local greens like lìsû, vôpal hàkh, núnar, vôstû hàkh and hand. The major mutton preparations of the KP include: kålíyû, ròganjòsh, matsh, kabar gàh, yakhûni, rístû, tabakh nàt, tsók tsarvan etc.

To Conclude
After the advent of Islam in the Valley, when Persian replaced Sanskrit as the language of administration, senior members of the Pandits (a large majority had been forced to embrace Islam) organized a kind of a conference to deliberate on and find means to preserve their religion and culture so as to prevent it from becoming extinct. In that historic conclave, it was decided that in order to participate in State administration, it were necessary to learn Persian, so the son’s son would learn the language of administration and the daughter’s son, if he were educated by his maternal grandparents, would learn bhasha ‘Sanskrit’ and religious scriptures and eventually perform religious rites and rituals. Thus, two distinct sects, one of bhasha Pandits or purohits ‘clergymen’ and another of the karkun ‘the men of administration’ were created. In course of time the Purohit became dependent upon the Karkun for dakhshinaa ‘offerings’ to make his living and the Karkun came to be considered a superior class to the men of religion. This historic ‘decision’ has brought the community to an impasse now where the purohits too have diminished in number and the very identity of the community is at stake. At this juncture, it is not only the religious rites and rituals, customs, festivals and ceremonies, beliefs, myths and superstitions that are under threat of extinction, but also their mother tongue, which was not under threat during the Muslim period.

The community elders need to sit together again to think about its linguistic and cultural heritage and evolve a strategy to preserve it. Otherwise, the literary and religious writings of Laleshwari, Parmanand, Zinda Koul will have no takers in near future.

Source: Milchar