Jammu and Kashmir:
Original Residents are Suffering
PART
I
(Source:
Koshur Samachar, March 2011)
Modern
history of Kashmir begins with the unification of
Ladakh
,
Jammu and Kashmir
valley into an integrated modern state of
Jammu and Kashmir
. Original inhabitants of
Kashmir
were Aryan Saraswat Brahmins also known as
Kashmiri Hindus or Kashmiri Pandits. It was a
great centre of Sanskrit learning and fine arts
for long centuries. With the advent of Islam in 14th
century, Muslim invaders forcibly converted its
people to Islam, killed those who resisted and
raised its temples and monuments to the ground.
Maharaja Ranjit Singh conquered it in 1819 from
Afghans and made it a province of his Sikh
kingdom. The two
Anglo-Sikh wars led to the final extinction of
Sikh sovereignty in the Punjab and by virtue of
the treaties of Lahore and Amritsar the British,
transferred and made over in perpetuity, the
independent position to the Maharaja Gulab Singh
and heirs male of his body, all the hilly and
mountainous country situated to the east of Indus,
and west of Ravi river. In consideration of this
transfer Maharaja Gulab Singh paid to the British
government the sum of 75 lakhs of rupees. The
treaty on March 16, 1846, is known as “Treaty of
Amritsar”. But the fact is, Maharaja
Gulab Singh who was already controlling Jammu and
Ladakh, had to wrest Kashmir valley from the
unwilling hands of Governor Imam Din after a
bloody battle.
Dogirath
is a Sanskrit word meaning two lakes. A Rajput
settlement around the
waters of two lakes the Mansar and the
Siroinsar, which together give the people their
name-- the Dogras. The Dogra royal line traces its
descent from the ancient Kshatriyas mentioned
frequently in Mahabharata. The Dogra ruler claimed
that they belong to the Surya Vanshi race. It is
also believed, valiant Rajputs assembled at
Jammu
,the capital of the Dogra rulers, from neighboring
states to defend
India
, against the Greek invader, Alexander.
Ladakh
is the largest district of the state. Its earliest
inhabitants were Aryan population. Buddhism came
from
Kashmir
in 2nd century and became main religion
of the people till date. In the late 17thcentury,
Ladakh was taken over by
Tibet
, but in 1834, the Dogras under Zorawar Singh, a
general of Maharaja Ranjit Singh invaded and
annexed Ladakh to state of
Jammu and Kashmir
.
The
disinformation campaign led by separatists that
the
valley
of
Kashmir
makes the state of
Jammu and Kashmir
is not true.
Kashmir
Valley
is only a small part of the
Jammu
and Kashmir
State
.
The Jammu and Kashmir State, as it emerged from
the British Indian
Empire after the British quit India in 1947,
constituted of (a) the province of Kashmir (b) the
province of Jammu (c) the frontier division of
Gilgit, Baltistan and Ladakh along with the Dardic
Dependencies of, Hunza, Nagar, Yasin, Punial,
Ishkoman, Darel and Koh Gizir. The
province
of
Jammu
was larger than the
province
of
Kashmir
in area and population. The frontier division of
Gilgit, Baltistan and Ladakh was larger than the
two provinces of Kashmir and
Jammu
put together, though it was sparsely populated.
In
Pakistan
there is no confusion about the territorial
content of the dispute. The Government of Pakistan
and the people of
Pakistan
have never accepted the reduction of the dispute
over
Jammu and Kashmir
to the dispute over the
Valley
of
Kashmir
. In 1947, when
Pakistan
invaded the State, the invading army swept into
the
Jammu
province and Kashmir province simultaneously,
breaking through the borders of the state with
Pakistan
. On 1 November, five days after the
airborne troops of the Indian army landed in
Srinagar
, airborne troops of the armed forces of
Pakistan
landed on the airstrip in Gilgit opened for them
by the Gilgit Scouts, the force raised by the
British from among the local Muslim population to
garrison the Gilgit Agency. The Gilgit Scouts
joined the invading army of
Pakistan
and lost no time to press eastwards into Baltistan.
The Muslim troops of the State army and their
Muslim officers posted at Bunji in Baltistan,
mutinied and joined the invading hoards. Remnants
of the State army, joined by the Buddhist
population of Ladakh, held the invading forces at
bay till the Indian troops marched up the Zojilla
pass to relieve them.
When
Pakistan
invaded the State in 1947, the Hindus, Sikhs and
the Buddhists along with the Kashmiri-speaking
Muslims, who formed the main support base of the
All Jammu and Kashmir National Conference, formed
the core of the resistance the invading army met
with. However the Muslim officers and ranks in the
State army, about 45 percent of its strength,
mutinied, massacred their Hindu officers and
comrades-in-arms in cold blood and joined the
invading columns as they poured into the State
across its borders with
Pakistan
. The Hindu and Sikh officers and other ranks of
the State army, joined by the Hindus, Sikh and
Buddhists, fought to the last man, to keep the
invading army at bay, till the airborne Indian
troops reached Srinagar.
In
Gilgit, the Gilgit Scouts mutinied on 1 November
1947, imprisoned the Governor of Gilgit,
Ghansara Singh, killed the Hindu and Sikh military
and police officials and opened up the air-strip
which was built by the British for the airborne
troops of
Pakistan
to land in Gilgit. The fall of Gilgit was followed
by the mutiny of the Muslim officers and men of
the State army regiment posted at Bunji in
Baltistan, who joined the invading armies in their
advance into Baltistan and Ladakh.
In
the territories of the State, which were overrun
by the invading hordes, more than 38000 Hindus and
Sikhs were massacred. Thousands of women were
abducted; hundreds of them
committed suicide to escape capture. All Hindu and
Sikh temples and shrines were burned down or
destroyed to erase the last vestiges of the Hindu
and Sikh culture and religion in the occupied
territories. The whole Hindu and Sikh population
of the territories occupied by the invading ---
army, which escaped the holocaust took
refuge in
Jammu
. Refugees (Hindus and Sikhs), from
Pakistan-occupied-Jammu & Kashmir is
approximately 1.2 million and are living in 29
camps across Jammu province. The Buddhists in
Baltistan who escaped the onslaught of the
invading army took refuge in Ladakh. The assertion
that
Jammu and Kashmir
presented a heaven of peace and brotherhood while
the rest of
India
smoldered in communal violence is a myth.
After
the Truce Agreement and the Cease-Fire which ended
the fighting in
Jammu and Kashmir
in 1949, more than forty percent of the
territories of the State remained under the
occupation of
Pakistan
. The fighting in
Jammu and Kashmir
began with the invasion of the State by
Pakistan
in October 1947. The occupied territories included
the district of Muzaffarabad and a part of the
district of Baramullah in the Kashmir province,
the district of Miprur, and a part of the district
of Poonch in the
Jammu
province and the frontier region of Gilgit, along
with the Gilgit, Agency and the region of
Baltistan and the Dardic dependencies. The rest of
the Jammu and Kashmir State, which lies on the
Indian side of the cease-fire Line, now called the
Line of Control, constitutes of the province of
Kashmir,15,853sq.kms., province of
Jammu,26,293sq.kms., and the frontier division of
Ladakh, 39,241sq.kms.Total area is
1,01,387sq.kms.,whereas total area occupied by
Pakistan and China is:1,20,849sq.kms---more than
Indian territory.
After
the Truce Agreement, negotiated by the United
Nations and the consequent cease-fire in the
fighting in the State in January 1949, the Hindus,
Sikhs and the Buddhists continued to fight against
the war of subversion, Pakistan waged from the
occupied territories of so called ‘Azad
Kashmir’ to foment Muslim distrust in the State.
In 1953, the Kashmiri-speaking Muslims who had
supported the accession of the State to
India
in 1947, repudiated their commitment to the unity
of
India
on the ground that
India
had denied them the right to reorganize
Jammu and Kashmir
into another Muslim nation
between
India
and
Pakistan
. The Hindus, Sikhs and Buddhists arraigned
themselves with the forces which opposed to the
Muslimisation of the State and fell into a head on
collision with a new Muslim separatists movement
led by the All Jammu and Kashmir Plebiscite Front,
which was founded in 1955, to ensure the
implementation of the United Nations resolutions
on Kashmir, envisaging a plebiscite to determine
the future affiliations of the State. The Hindus,
Sikhs and the Buddhists formed the main resistance
to the Muslim struggle for self-determination, the
Plebiscite Front spearheaded till 1975, when the
Indira-Abdullah Accord was concluded and the
Plebiscite Front dissolved.
The
Jihad which
Pakistan
launched in Kashmir in 1990, to liberate
Jammu and Kashmir
from the Indian hold, mounted its first attack on
the Hindus in
Kashmir
. The terrorist assault on the Hindus in
Kashmir
commenced in the fall of 1989, and by the summer
of 1990, more than 700 of them had been
assassinated in cold blood. Most of the victims
were innocent people who lived in poverty and
persecution in the Muslim dominated constitutional
organization of the State.
Among
those killed were people from all section of the
Hindu Society; teachers, lawyers, political
activists, media men, intellectuals, errand boys
and men of small means. The massacre of the Hindus
was accompanied by a widespread campaign of
intimidation and threat to drive out the Hindus
from the
Kashmir
province, burn their temples and religious shrines
and homes and loot their property. By the end of
the year 1990, the whole community of the Hindus
in the
Kashmir
province was driven out of their homes and
hearths. For the last two decades, during which
the terrorist violence in the State has continued
unabated, the Hindus have been living in exile in
refugee camps and rented accommodation at
Jammu
,
Delhi
and elsewhere in the country.
On
the intervening
night between
25th to 26th of January
1998, the terrorists committed a heinous crime by
killing 23 innocent, unarmed Kashmiri Hindus at
Wandhama which includes 10 women, 4 children and
amongst whom 13 months infant who was pumped 18
bullets! Some of them were burnt alive in a house.
Another barbaric, inhuman and brutal
killing took place at Chatta-Singpora on 20th
March 2000, where about unarmed 40 Sikhs, men,
women and children were killed. Complaints have
been filled before National Human Commission,
New Delhi
, along with other killings which have taken place
but no action has been taken so far by the
commission to apprehend the culprits and punish
them.
No
settlement on the dispute over
Jammu and Kashmir
can be reached, so long the dispute is treated as
a Muslim problem confined to the Valley. The right
to life and freedom of the Hindus, Sikhs and
Buddhists and their aspirations are as factoral to
a peace-settlement on
Jammu and Kashmir
as the right to life and freedom of the Muslims
and their aspirations are. The interests and
aspirations of the Hindus, Sikhs and the
Buddhists, who constitute nearly half the
population of Jammu and Kashmir, are central to
any settlement reached between India and Pakistan.
PART
II
(Source:
Koshur Samachar, May 2011)
Distortion
of the history of the partition of India, false
propaganda and lies, shroud the accession of Jammu
and Kashmir to India in 1947, as well as the
exclusion of the State from the Indian
Constitutional organization by virtue of Article
370 of the Indian Constitution in 1950.
The
creation of two Dominions of India and Pakistan
was restricted to the division of British India
and the separation of the British Indian provinces
of Sindh, Baluchistan, North-west Frontier
Province, the Muslim majority contiguous regions
of the province of the Punjab, the Muslim majority
eastern region of the province of Bengal, along
with the Muslim majority regions of the Hindu
majority province of Assam. The princely States,
which formed an integral part of the British
Indian Empire, were not brought within the scope
of the partition plan.
The
Indian Independence Act did not lay down any
provisions in respect of the procedure for the
accession of the princely States to the two
dominions and the terms on which the accession
would be accomplished. After the 3 June
Declaration of 1947, the States Department of the
Government of India was divided into two sections:
the Indian Section which was placed under Sardar
Vallabhai Patel and the Pakistan Section which was
placed under Sardar Abdur Rab Nishtar of the
Muslim League. The task of laying down the
procedure of the accession of the States to India
was entrusted to the Indian Section and the task
of laying down the procedure for accession of the
States to Pakistan was entrusted to the Pakistan
Section. The Indian Section drew up an Instrument
of Accession for the accession of States to India,
so did the Pakistan Section for the accession of
States to Pakistan. The Instrument of Accession
enshrined the procedure and the terms in
accordance with which the rulers acceded to either
of the two Dominions.
The
Instrument of Accession drawn up by the Indian
Section laid down two sets of terms and
procedures, one for the larger princely States and
the other for the smaller princely States. States
were provided no option, except to accede to India
on the terms and conditions laid down by Indian
Section, or to accede to Pakistan on the terms and
conditions laid down by the Pakistan Section of
the Indian States Department. All the larger
princely States which acceded to India, including
Jammu and Kashmir, signed the same standard form
of the Instrument of Accession and accepted the
terms it enshrined. The Instrument of Accession
enshrined acceptance by the rulers of princely
States to unite their domains with the Dominion of
India on terms and conditions and in accordance
with the procedure laid down by it. The princely
States were never recognized by the British as
independent entities. They formed a subsidiary
structure of the British colonial organization of
India which was subject to the British Crown. The
lapse of Paramountcy did not alter their status.
The Instrument of Accession signed by the rulers
of the princely States, including Jammu and
Kashmir, stipulated the unification of the States
with the two successor States of the British
Empire in India. The transfer of power in India
underlined the creation of only two successor
States of the British Indian Empire: the Dominion
of India and the Dominion of Pakistan. The lapse
of the Paramountcy put the States on the
inevitable course which led them to accede to
either of the two successor States.
The
rulers located within the geographical boundaries
of the Dominion of Pakistan, acceded to Pakistan.
The ruler of Kalat, who was opposed to the
accession of Kalat to the Dominion of Pakistan,
was smothered into submission by the Muslim League
with the active support of the British, included
Bahawalpur as well. All other princely States were
situated in the geographical boundaries earmarked
for the Dominion of India. The State of Jammu and
Kashmir was contiguous with both India and
Pakistan. Its borders stretched along the
boundaries of the Dominion of Pakistan in the West
and South-west, while its borders in the East and
South-east rimmed the frontiers of the Dominion of
India. The ruler, Maharaja Hari Singh, harboured
no illusions about the accession of his State to
Pakistan and eagerly awaited a clearance from the
Congress leaders, who had secretly advised him not
to take any precipitate action in respect of the
accession of his State, till Hyderabad and
Junagarh were retrieved.
Pakistan had
no special claim to Jammu and Kashmir on the basis
of the Muslim majority composition of its
population. As already mentioned, the Muslim
League strongly opposed any suggestion to
recognize the right of the people of the princely
States to determine the future of the States. It
was only when Pakistan failed to grab Jammu and
Kashmir after it invaded the State in October
1947, and the Indian military action frustrated
its designs to swallow Hyderabad and Junagarh,
both States located deep inside India, that
Pakistan raised the bogey of self-determination of
the Muslims of the State of Jammu and Kashmir on
the basis of their numerical majority.
The
Instrument of Accession was executed by the ruler
of Jammu and Kashmir State on the terms specified
by the Dominion of India. Neither the ruler of the
State, Maharaja Hari Singh, nor the National
Conference leaders played any role in the
determination of the terms the Instrument of
Accession underlined. Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah and
many National Conference leaders were in jail when
the transfer of power in India was accomplished by
the British. Sheikh Abdullah was released from
jail on 29 September 1947, about a month and a
half after the British had left India.
Three
days after his release, the Working Committee of
the National Conference met under his
presidentship and took the decision to support the
accession of the State to India. The decision of
the Working Committee was conveyed to Nehru by
Dwarka Nath Kachroo, the Secretary General of the
All India States Peoples’ Conference, who was
invited to attend the Working Committee meeting of
the National Conference as an observer. Kachroo
was a Kashmiri Pandit who had steered the movement
of the All India States Peoples’ Conference
during the fateful days in 1946-1947, when
partition and the transfer of power in India were
on the anvil.
Interestingly,
the National Conference leadership kept the
decisions of the Working Committee a closely
guarded secret. Within a few days after the
Working Committee meeting, the National Conference
leaders sent secret emissaries to Mohammad Ali
Jinnah and other Muslim League leaders. While
Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah held talks with a number
of Muslim League leaders of the Punjab, who had
come to Srinagar after his release, he sent two
senior most leaders of the National Conference,
Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad and Ghulam Mohammad Sadiq,
to Pakistan to open talks with Muslim League
leaders. Jinnah spurned the offer of
reconciliation the National Conference leaders
made and refused to meet the emissaries. Sadiq was
still in Pakistan when Pakistan invaded the State
during the early hours of 22 October 1947.
Hari
Singh upturned the whole gameplan of Pakistan.
While the invading army spread across the State,
Hari Singh sent his Prime Minister, Mehar Chand
Mahajan to Delhi to seek help to save his State
from the invasion and offered accession of the
State with India. Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah had
already reached Delhi. He made no secret of the
danger the State faced and asked Nehru to lose no
time in accepting the accession and ensuring the
speedy dispatch of Indian troops to the State. The
instrument of Accession was taken to Jammu by V.P.
Menon, where it was signed by the Maharaja. Menon
then rushed back to Delhi and got the Instrument
accepted by Mountbatten. Next day, the air-borne
troops of the Indian Army reached Srinagar.
Maharaja
Hari Singh laid no conditions for the accession of
the State to India. The National Conference
leaders were nowhere in the process of the
Accession of the State, to lay down any condition
for the accession of the State to India. The
Congress leaders including Nehru made no promises
to the National Conference leaders. The terms of
the Instrument of Accession were not altered in
any respect by the Viceroy. Neither Nehru, Patel,
nor any other Congress leader gave any assurance
to the Conference leaders about autonomy or
Special Status of the State. In fact the National
Conference leaders did not make any such demands
at any time, while the process of accession was in
progress.
National
Conference leaders demanded the exclusion of Jammu
and Kashmir from the Indian constitutional
organization in the summer of 1949, when the
Constituent Assembly of India was in the midst of
framing the Constitution of India. This was the
time when foreign power intervention in Jammu and
Kashmir had just begun to have its effect on the
deliberations of the Security Council as well as
the developments in the State. Pakistan refused to
withdraw its forces from the occupied territories
of the State and distorted the facts regarding the
accession of the State.
The
princely states were not required to execute any
Instrument of Merger.
The State Department of India laid down a
procedure for the integration of smaller princely
States into administratively more viable Unions of
States. To complete the procedure of this
integration, the State Department drew up an
Instrument of Attachment, erroneously described as
an Instrument of Merger. The major Indian States,
including Jammu and Kashmir, were not required to
sign the Instrument of Attachment. Moreover, the
Instrument of Accession had no bearing on the
integration of the States into the Indian
Constitutional organization. The Instrument
of Accession was a political instrument and the
accession of Jammu and Kashmir was a political
act, which had international implications as it
formed a part of the process of the creation of
the State of India. As such, the Instrument of
Accession executed by Maharaja Hari Singh was
irreversible and irreducible, irrespective of the
circumstances and events in which it was
accomplished.
The
demand of ‘Greater Autonomy’ by vested
interests after 35 years of the ‘Kashmir
Accord’ between Smt. Indra Gandhi and Sheikh
Mohammad Abduallah on February 24, 1975 has once
again brought into sharp focus the machination and
double talk of National Conference. During the
years that followed, the secessionist movement in
the State gathered greater strength. A whole
generation of the Muslim youth was socialized to
the Muslim quest for freedom from India and the
unification of the State with Pakistan.
Hindus,
Sikhs and Buddhists of the State, expressed sharp
disapproval of any compromise with National
Conference on the issue of autonomy.
Interestingly, the Muslim secessionist forces and
militant organizations expressed subdued
disapproval of the demand of greater autonomy,
reiterating their claim for self-determination
expressing doubt about the ultimate advantage, the
autonomy of the state would provide to them.
Kashmiri
Hindus, who are living in exile for more than last
22 years, are still languishing in camps and
rented accommodation allover the country,
especially in Jammu and Delhi. More than 90% of
State Government employees have retired from
services during this period. No fresh recruitment
of Kashmiri Hindus has taken place since then.
Every step is taken to improve the welfare of the
majority community.
Recent
survey shows that the State has received Rs.
94.409 crore between 1989-90 and 2009-10, which is
10 to 12 % of all grants disbursed by the Central
Government to the States. The bulk of this aid is
spent in the valley which is less than 1% of
India’s population! The National Sample Survey
of 1999-2000, shows that Kashmir has lowest
poverty ratio of 3.5 % inspite of violence,
against national average of 26.1 %, whereas Orissa
has highest poverty ratio of 47.2%. As per the
Planning Commission report 2004-05, Jammu and
Kashmir had the lowest poverty ratio of 5.4 % and
the national average 28.3%.
Even prosperous state like Maharashtra
contains 10 of India’s 100 poorest districts and
has highest rate of farmer suicide. During 2006,
1452 farmers committed suicide in Vidarbha region
alone! During the same year, 16863 farmer
suicides, have been reported all over the country.
But no farmer suicide has been reported from
Kashmir so far.
The
creation of an autonomous state of Jammu and
Kashmir, placed outside the political organization
of India, will go half way to substantiate
Pakistan’s claim on Kashmir with stone pelters
in forefront and
terrorists guns booming in the back-ground,
India will, sooner or later, be forced to accept a
settlement which is acceptable to Pakistan.
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