Prefatory
Exploring what kind a society existed in Kashmir before the advent
of Islam is a very interesting but also a challenging task. How was it organized
? What were its institutions, its belief systems and traditions, its values and
ideals ? To know this in full and exact detail, we have but fragmentary and scattered sources of information available
to us. Buried beneath a several kilometer long embankment running across the Dal
Lake in Srinagar are hundreds and thousands of ancient manuscripts that could
have provided us with a wealth of evidence. But they seem to be irretrievably
lost.
All is not lost though. On
the basis of still extant source materials: pioneering work of treat value has
been done in the recent decades by erudite scholars like Dr. Ved Kumari Ghai,
Dr. S.C. Ray and Ajay Mitra Shastri to prepare a coherent and connected account
of ancient Kashmir’s social and cultural life. Yet the field of investigation is
so vast, and the available evidence so limited, that there still remain large
areas which are unexplored and unlimited Furthermore, the studies- of these
scholars seem to suffer from a certain lack of perspective and orientation,
based as they are on the Western lndoiogists’ line of approach consisting of too
literal an interpretation of myth.
The immediate necessity,
therefore, is for someone to carry the work of the pioneering scholars further
on, and to offer fresh perspectives and new insights into things. It is a
colossal exercise. It is extremely important to trace the genesis and evolution
of Kashmiri society from the earliest times in view of attempts being made by
some people to present the entire pre-Islamic past of the valley as one long
period of darkness. A lot of mischief has been done by those who in the garb of
historiographers are using negativist and reductionist tactics to suppress what
is true and suggest what is false. They have mined the whole area of historical
investigation with numerous falsehoods and fact distortions. These shall,
therefore, have to be cleared from the path of our vision so that it will be
possible for us to see and place things in a clear and correct perspective.
At the outset, we must
understand that when we talk of early Kashmiri society, we do not mean thereby
any particular racial or ethnic group. Several such groups - Manvas, Nagas,
Pishachas and others have come together in some distant pre-historic past to
give shape to this society. Their mixing and commingling is commemorated in the
Nilamata Purana, a 6th or 7th century text in Sanskrit which gives Kashmir’s own
creation legend. According to this Purana, gods intervened to reclaim the
Himalayan Valley from the waters of a primordial lake that filled it. Killing
the demon who infested the lake, they drained away the water at the request of
Rishi Kashyapa, preceptor and progenitor par excellence, who took the initiative
in populating the land thus reclaimed. But there was a hiccup. The Nagas,
resented Kashyapa’s recommendation of allowing Manavas (descendents of Manu)
cohabit with them. They had second thoughts as soon as an enraged Kashyapa gave
them the option of having to live with the “terrible” Pischachas. In the end we
find all the elements that constituted the ancient population of Kashmir living
together in a spirit of harmony and cordiality, following the instructions of,
the Naga king, Nila. These instructions, as we see, concern performance of
certain rites and ceremonies, which for the most part are quite similar to those
prescribed in other Puranas, except in case of a few rites related to Naga
worship. The Nilamata Purana is a record of their coming together, a process
which must have taken centuries of assimilation. On its pages we see the
earliest contours of a Kashmiri society beginning to emerge.
But that is not the manner
some people would like things to have been. In their eagerness to be counted
among ethno-historians, they see a bloody ethnic strife to be at the root of it
all. Presenting the episode of the Nagas’ initial unwillingness to accommodate,
let us say, Vedic Aryans, as a gory struggle for domination a la colonial
historians’ theory of Aryan invasion, they read discord into accord and accuse
“alien” Aryans to have “annihilated” the original inhabitants of Kashmir. “The
blood of Nagas flows on the pages of the Nilamata”, shrieks one
poet-turned-politician-turned ethnologist. “Massacre most foul”, cries another,
forgetting that there is nothing in the Nilamata even remotely suggestive of any
such conflict or tension, and that it was Vishnu who gave Nagas fleeing from the
wrath of Garuda, their arch enemy, shelter on the mountains surrounding the
Kashmir Valley. After all, the Nilmata does not read like a document of war but
a document of compromise and reconciliation, of the birth of a unique
civilization on the banks of river Vitasta against the backdrop of snow clad
mountains. Besides, as we have said earlier, in that age of mass migrations of
people, no geographical boundaries were fixed, and the state just did not exist
Anyway, let us not give the feverish imagination of these people more attention
than it deserves. These are, we must know, tactics to draw attention.
We have, however, to study
closely the implications of the archaeological explorations which suggest
that the earliest inhabitants of Kashmir were the Neolithic pit-dwellers of
Burzahom, a village near Srinagar. Some Neolithic sites have been discovered in
several places in the southern parts of the Valley also. Neolithic culture is
said to have flourished there between 2300 BC and 2nd century AD. But as data
available from Burzahom has not yet been systematically studied and analyzed,
the identity of its Neolithic settlers has not been identified. Nor do we know
whether they have any relations with the people of the Nilamata age or the
present inhabitants of Kashmir. We are also not sure whether they had any social
organization worth the name. To get a clear picture of how early Kashmiris
lived, thought and worked, we have to fall back upon the Nilamata Purana and
other literary sources, including Kalhana’s Rajatarangini, Damodargupta’s
Kuttanimata Kavya, Kshemendra’s writings. Bilhana’s Vikramankadeva Charit,
Somadeva’s Kathasaritsagara, Buddhist Avadana literature, Laugakshi’s
Grihyasutra, Shaiva and Shakta Tantric literature, and stray references in other
early works. Chinese and Tibetan records including Taranatha’s history of
Buddhism in India and translations of old Buddhist texts are also of great
value. Information gleaned from these different sources can then be checked for
authenticity by relating it to archaeological evidence wherever available.
Caste in Early Kashmir:
Let us again revert to the
Nilamata Purana and its reference to immigrant Brahmanas who followed
Chandradeva and settled in Kashmir. It is highly possible that a bulk of them
were from the Saraswati Valley who must have decided to migrate to Kashmir after
the legendary river changed its course and finally dried up. There is a
persistent and strong tradition among Kashmiri Pandits that they are Saraswat
Brahmins, and the presence of a large number of words of Vedic origin in the
Kashmiri language seems to confirm it. From accounts given in the Nilamata.
Rajatarangini and other early sources, they appear to have emerged as the
dominant and highly respected social group in Kashmir, not just because they
were associated with religious rites and ceremonies, but because of their
intellectual proclivities, their natural gravitation towards cultivation of
cerebral graces. They were intellectual people who prized learning above
everything else. And indeed it is because of their contributions that Kashmir
came to be known all over the world as a great seat of Sanskrit learning. In the
ancient texts referred to above, we see them as people “engaged in self-study,
contemplation, performance of sacrifice, penance and the study of the Vedas and
Vedangas” Respect was shown to them because they were supposed to be
“itihasvidah” and “kalavidah”, that is “knowers of history and
the connoisseurs of art. And who can provide a better proof of this than Kalhana,
the great author of Rajatarangini, and the whole host of chroniclers of
Kashmir who followed him — Jonaraja and Shrivara, Pragyabhatta and Shuka ?
Brahmins were also required to have a thorough grounding in the six schools of
philosophy, astrology and astronomy, grammar, logic, prosody and medicine,
besides religious texts. They had to live an austere life and adhere to a high
moral code. Nowhere has it been suggested that they should be worshipped “as
gods on the earth” even if they are illiterate and ignorant. And yet all
Brahmins have been equated with priests and shown as representatives of an
exploitative and oppressive social order by historians whose only pastime is
Brahmin bashing. They are accused of appropriating the surplus in agriculture
and growing rich on the gifts given to them by others.
There is no doubt that
Brahmins did hold a high position in the society, but mainly as an intellectual
and scholarly class, and not all of them adopted priesthood as their profession.
And those who did were not much respected as they were recipients of donations
and sacrificial fees and not donors. The donor was the patron, the yajamana
who hired a priest to have a religious sacrifice or ritual performed. And
anybody could be the patron under the yajmani system - including a
Brahmana.
But this we shall take up
later. Suffice it to say here that the Brahmins took up several occupations
during the period under review, besides serving as priests. They were
katha-vachakas or narrators of Puranic stories, astrologers, vaidyas
or physicians, teachers, and even agriculturists. Some of them joined the
administrative service also and became councillors and ministers. Some, like
Kaihana’s own father Champaka. adopted the military career.
What about the other castes?
If Dr. S.C.Ray is to be believed, there were no intermediate castes in Kashmir,
not even Shudras. “Though the conception of the population as consisting of the
four traditional castes was not altogether unknown”, he writes, “there was no
such caste as Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudra in early Kashmir”. While he
describes Brahmanas as “definitely the more privileged and honoured caste” , he
mentions Nishadas, Kiratas, Dombas, Shvapakas and Chandalas as the lower castes.
Dr. Ray’s view appears to be only partiality true. The Nishadas the Kiratas, the
Dombas etc. were no doubt there, but the Kshatriyas and the Vaishyas were not
altogether absent, though they have not been mentioned in that detail. The
Nilamata describes the functions of all the four traditional castes and says
that representatives of all the four participated in the king’s coronation. The
Rajatarangini too makes specific references to Kshatriyas as well as Vaishyas in
the context of Kashmir’s ancient history. There is no reference in it of any
tension between the castes, nor anything like the priest - king collusion to
maintain hegemony over others. The Brahmanas, however, are often shown as
resorting to prayopavesha or hunger-strike to get their demands accepted
by the king. The confrontation between King Jayapida and the Brahmanas of
Tulamula is a well known example.
There may not be many direct
references to Vaishyas as such in Rajatarangani and other early works, but
Kalhana does mention the emergence of a rich and prosperous merchant class. With
the opening of overland trade routes during Kanishka’s
rule, and perhaps,, earlier, trade and commerce with foreign countries appears
to have received a boost. Commercial activity must have been particularly brisk
during the rule of the Karkotas Extensive conquests by kings like Lalitaditya
must have opened vast markets for Kashmiri goods in neighbouring territories.
The Valley was full of wealthy merchants, says Kalahana, with some of
them living in palatial buildings excelling the king’s palace. Damodargupta’s
reference to shreshthin and vanikas also indicates the existence
of a rich and prosperous trading community during his time, belonging probably
to the Vaishya caste. Many among the upward mobile artisan classes in the Valley
too must have belonged to this community.
As for the Shudras, Nilamata
counts the karmajivin (workers) and shilpis (artisans) as Shudras
- that is, the weavers, carpenters, goldsmiths, silversmiths, blacksmiths,
leather-tanners and potters. They were treated with respect in the society and
were among those who exchanged gifts with the “higher varnas” during the
Mahimana celebrations, says Dr. Ved Kumari. The servants serving in the houses
of the higher castes too belonged to the caste. They were treated with sympathy
and were included in the list of the persons “in whose company the householder
feasted and enjoyed”. The very fact, writes Dr. Ved Kumari, that the Nilmata
describes the Shudras as taking part in the coronation ceremony of the king,
shows that they were not debased.
There were people belonging
to mixed castes also like Suta, Magadha and Vandi who lived by singing the
paeans of heroes and other famous persons.
Dr. S.C.Ray counts the Nishadas, Kiratas, Dombas etc. among the low caste people
but stops short of calling them Shudras. The Nishadas, who lived by hunting and
fishing, are also described as boatsmen in the Rajatarangim. The Kiratas, who
were hunters and animal trappers, were a forest dwelling tribe belonging to the
Tibeto-Burman racial stock. The Dombas have been described in the Rajatarangim
in association with the Chandalas as huntsmen belonging to the menial class.
Kalhana calls them “Shvapakas” or “dog-eating people'. But they have also been
shown as good musicians who made quite a profession of their singing and
dancing. Kalhana mentions the story of a Domba singer Ranga whose daughters gave
a performance in the glittering royal assembly hall of Chakravarman and were
included in the king’s seraglio, one of them becoming the chief queen much to
the chagrin of others . Consequently, Dombas became the favourites of the king
and wielded much influence at his court as councillors. Chandalas,- were bravos
and fierce fighters. They worked as executioners and were also employed as the
king’s watchmen.
The division of early
Kashmiri society into four castes and their sub-castes was only notional In
actual fact, the caste-system was never rigid in Kashmir, or of a tyrannical
character. Intermarriages between various castes were not uncommon, as we learn
from works like the Katha-sarit-sagara. It is not, therefore relevant to talk of
social-organization in terms or caste so far as at least Kashmir is concerned.
The society in Kashmir was actually divided along occupational or socio-economic
lines. Writes Dr. S.C.Ray : “Three distinct classes of people evolved, along
with their several sub-divisions, on the basis of three principle
methods of production (agriculture, industry and trade)”. While
agriculturists constituted the bulk of these occupational classes, artisans and
merchants too had important roles to play in the society.
Though agriculture formed
the mainstay of the economy, it is not known whether the cultivators in ancient
Kashmir were the owners of the lands they tilled or mere tenants of the
actual landlords. In all probability, they had a certain share in the crop
harvested by them, but its distribution lay mainly in the lands of the king and
the feudal lords. The fact that cultivators participated in the joyful festivals
related to agriculture during the Nilamata age shows that they were by and large
owners of the lands tilled by them.
But around the 8th century,
a new class of feudal landlords known as the Damaras appeared on the scene and
started gaming control of agriculturist economy. We do not hear of them in the
Nilamata, nor in the first three books of the Rajatarangini till we find
Lalitaditya, Kashmir’s most powerful king, warning his successors not to leave
cultivators of the land with more than what they require “for their bare
sustenance and the tillage of the land”. Otherwise, he says ‘they would become
in a single year very formidable Damaras and strong enough to neglect the
commands of the commands of the kings”. And then we learn that they -were
agriculturists who, owned large chunks of land. Lalitaditva’s warning appears to
have had no effect, for we see the Damaras becoming more and more wealthy and
gaming more and more strength By the time” the Lohara dynasty ascended the
throne,, they had become so rich and powerful that they began to interfere in
the affairs of the State. Living in fortified residences, they raised large
private armies and established their strongholds all over Kashmir Such was
their power and influence that they were able to extend their stranglehold over
the administration, becoming virtual king-makers, enthroning or dethroning
anyone according to their wish. In the wars of succession that became endemic
after the 10th century, we find them supporting one claimant to the throne or
the other, their support often proving to be the deciding factor. This is what
happened in the internecine conflicts between Ananta and Kalasha and Kalasha
and Marsha, each of them vying for their help. Powerful rulers like Didda,
Ananta, Kalasha and Jayasimha used every stratagem to curb them, including the
use of military force, but the Damaras continued to retain their nuisance value.
Dr. S.C.Ray attributes the rise and growth of the Damaras not only to the
“weakness of the royal authority” and “the constant wars of succession”, but
also to “the economic structure of the society”’’, which because of increasing
dependence on agricultural lands for revenue proved helpful to the rise of the
landed aristocracy. As their wealth and influence increased, the Damaras came to
be looked upon with respect in the society, with royal families establishing
even matrimonial relations with them.
Merchants formed another
important and influential section of the society. We have already referred to
their rise while talking of the Vaishyas. Kalhana shows them living in great
affluence in palatial residences more magnificent than even the king’s palace
Kashmir’s trade and commercial ties with the neighbouring regions appear to have
been very strong right from the Kushana period or even earlier and by the time
the Karkotas rose to power, an extensive export market became available for
Kashmiri goods, which presumably included raw wool and woollen fabrics, hides
and skins and leather articles, fruits, and most important of all, saffron.
Among the articles of imports salt seemed to be the most important Silk, which
seems to have been imported from the neighbouring China, vermilion, asfoetida
and several other spices, and coral, imported possibly from the western regions,
were possibly the other-important items. With this the wealthy merchant class
gained ascendance in the society We can see in Damodaragupta’s kuttanimata Kavya.
shresihm and vanikus living in great luxury and patronising
theatre-houses. However their importance began to decline when the overland
trade routes were closed and trade became more of an internalized affair. They
even began to resort to deceitful means for making quick money, as Kalhana and
Kshemendra seem to suggest.
While agricultural and
trading communities were very important elements in the society from the
socio-economic point of view, the artisan classes also witnessed a significant
growth in early Kashmir. These included the weavers and the jewellers, metal
casters and image-makers, potters and carpenters, blacksmiths and leather
tanners etc. Although their sphere of activity was quite wide, there were no
corporate or traders guilds in Kashmir as in other parts of India.
There were also occupational
communities who served the society in various other ways. Among these could be
counted the wrestlers, the actors, the dancers, the physicians, the shepherds,
the gardeners and also the courtesans who plied the world’s oldest trade These
people were not directly connected with the production of wealth, but
nonetheless had their own place in the society.
Yet another class, which
distinguished itself from all the classes mentioned above was that of the
administrators. It consisted of the nobility and the bureaucracy As Dr. S.C. Ray
has pointed out, the highest civil and military officials were drawn from the
nobility, and these included the sarvadiikara (also called dhi-sachiva)
or prime minister, stiehiva or minister, the mandalesha or
governor and the kantpanes ha or commander-in-chief. Being important
officers of the State, the nobility drew lame salaries from the royal
treasury.
The bureaucracy assisted
them in running the general administration of the State It consisted of all
kinds of officials, both high and low, all of them being known by the general
coveivterm “”Kayastha”, which did not denote any particular caste. Members of
and caste or class could be recruited as Kayasthas, including the Brahmanas.
Both Kalhana and Kshemendra have Hayed them for their greed and for their cruel
methods of exacting revenue and taxes from the people. Kshemendra gives a long
list of their designations in his works Narmamala and Samaya Matrika .
Describing them as an exploitative and oppressive class, he exposes their
fraudulent ways and bungling, and accuses them of forgery, misappropriation and
embezzlement. Kalhana too speaks about them in the same vein. The common man
appears to have been squeezed between the tyrannical Damaras and the oppressive
and greedy Kayasthas, though not all Kayasthas could have been like that.