Kashmir: The Crisis in Perspective

The problem, however, has not burst upon the scene as a sudden phenomenon, but is the result of follies upon follies committed by the country's leadership which has a pathetic proclivity to ignore realities and stick to clich`s in face of trouble. What is needed is a serious review of these follies in order to get a clear perspective of the present day calamitous situation.

Aggression and Accession

On Aug. 12, 1947, the Maharaja of Jammu & Kashmir offered to execute a Standstill Agreement with India/Pakistan "on all matters .. pending settlement of details and formal execution of fresh agreement." While the Government of Pakistan signed the Standstill Agreement, the Government of India wanted the Maharaja or a representative of his to come to Delhi "for negotiating Standstill Agreement between Kashmir Government and Indian Dominion.''

Inspite of the Standstill Agreement, Pakistan imposed an economic blockade, cutting off supplies of essential commodltles like food-grains, salt, sugar, tea and petrol to J&K State. In October 1947, having succeeded in creating scarcity of food articles in Kashmir Valley, Pakistan sent in Afridis, soldiers in plain clothes and desperadoes with modern weapons to Poonch, Mirpur, Bhimber, Kotli areas of Jammu and then to Muzzaffarbad, Karnah and Uri with the idea of annexing the State of Jammu & Kashmir by force. The Maharaja's forces could not beat back this unannounced aggression by Pakistan as most of his Muslim soldiers joined the aggressors and killed the loyal Hindu soldiers of the State Army. Once the Pakistani invaders reached the outskirts of Srinagar, the beleaguered Maharaja was left with no option but to sue for help from India. Offering to accede to the Indian Dominion, he made a request for military aid which was accepted by the then Governor General, Lord Mountbatten on October 27, 1947. However, in his reply to the Maharaja's request, Lord Mountbatten added a rider: "As soon as law and order has been restored in Kashmir and its soil cleared of the invader, the question of State's accession should be settled by a reference to the people.."

The Role of National Conference

On 15th August, 1947, Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah and other National Conference leaders and workers were behind the bars. They had been imprisoned for launching the "Quit Kashmir" movement against the autocratic rule in Kashmir. On persistent intervention of Mahatma Gandhi, who visited the State from 1st August to Fourth August in 1947, and other Congress leaders, the Sheikh and his supporters were released on September 4, 1947. The Muslim League leaders, particularly Jinnah, had consistently opposed the freedom movement of Kashmir, calling it a 'goonda' movement. The National Conference leadership, under the guidance of Sheikh Abdullah, decided to defer the issue of accession till the State was granted a responsible government. Meanwhile National Conference leaders Ghulam Mohammed Sadiq and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed, who were at that time in Lahore, were asked to act as emissaries and contact Muslim League leaders and Communist supporters of Pakistan with whom they had a good rapport, to bring about reproachment between Sheikh Abdullah and Mohammed Ali Jinnah. However, inspite of their best efforts, they failed in their mission as Jinnah and Liaquat Ali Khan did not condescend to meet Sheikh Abdullah. It may be recalled here that Jinnah and Sheikh Abdullah had strained their relations in June 1944, when the latter was on a visit to Kashmir. During this visit of his, Jinnah was given a public reception by various political parties of the State. The Sheikh personally welcomed him to the Valley and had long private talks with him. On the very second day of this meeting, Jinnah asked Abdullah at a huge public gathering at Jama Masjid, Srinagar to wind up his National Conference and, using very intemperate language, accused the "Lion of Kashmir" of double think and double talk. An infuriated Sheikh lashed out at Jinnah and asked National Conference workers to see him out of the Valley. After this incident Mohammed Ali Jinnah was not able to address any public gathering in Kashmir and was forced to leave the Valley before schedule. Since then there was no love lost between the two.

Reverting to the accession issue, it may be pointed out that almost the entire leadership of the National Conference, with the exception of Sheikh Abdullah and a few of the party's working committee members, were all for a settlement with Pakistan. Even the Communists of Kashmir, under the directive of CPI, were prepared for Kashmir's accession to Pakistan. It was the Sheikh who, having been appraised of the views of the top Pakistani leadership, was desperately in favor of the State's accession to India. He pleaded fervently with Jawahar Lal Nehru to accept the State's request for accession and to send the Army to Srinagar. He did oppose even "reference to people", as he represented the people of the Valley and headed the then mass based Political Organization National Conference.

History plays cruel jokes at times. Pakistan, which could have got at least the Kashmir Valley and a portion of Jammu region (already under its occupation), lost Kashmir Valley owing to its leader's hauteur. "Kashmir is in my pocket" Jinnah had declared. And his impolitic decision to send tribals and irregulars to invade Kashmir, was his undoing.

Prime Minister Jawahar Lal Nehru, under the influence of Lord Mountbatten, could not have made a greater folly than adding the unnecessary rider of "referring to the people" the question of accession, once the condition stabilized and aggression was vacated. To compound the issue further, he referred the matter to the UNO, even against the wishes of Mahatma Gandhi and Sardar Patel, thereby providing an opportunity to the interested Western Powers to play their power game in the Indo-Pak arena. Even though the Indian Government ruled out a plebiscite in Kashmir after Pakistan joined SEATO and other military alliances, Pakistan went on harping on U,N resolutions for plebiscite. These initial mistakes of the Indian leader are with us even today - 43 years later.

Sheikh Abdullah Changes Stance

No sooner had the Indian Army cleared large portions of the State from Pak invaders and cease-fire was agreed to in January 1949, than the Kashmir leader started demanding the Maharaja's ouster and a special status for Kashmir in the name of "Muslims of the Valley" or the "Muslim character" of the State. He took delegation after delegation to Delhi to discuss the issue and sought and got a number of concessions like a separate constitution and a separate flag for the State and a different nomenclature for its head of the State and head of the Government. The head of the State was to be known as Sadr-i-Riyasat, while the head of the Government was to be called the Prime Minister. Congress leaders even got a special provision - Article 370 - incorporated in the Constitution to safeguard the State's special position. While all reasonable and unreasonable demands of the Sheikh were being accepted, in complete disregard to the views of some of Nehru's own ministerial colleagues and a large segment of public opinion in Jammu & Ladakh regions, a section of the Valley's population had started questioning the wisdom of the State's accession to India. In a triumphant mood, Sheikh Abdullah ordered elections for a Constituent Assembly which would frame a Constitution for the State. Overplaying his cards, he got 73 members elected unopposed to the Assembly and engineered the defeat of two opposition candidates from Jammu This led to a virtual one party rule in Kashmir and further alienated the people of Jammu.

The Jammu Agitation and Permit System

Resentful of being completely ignored and sidelined as well as misgoverned, the people of Jammu launched a strong agitation against Kashmir Government and Congress policies under the leadership of Pt. Prem Nath Dogra, a much respected leader of the region. Raising the slogan of "Ek Vidhan, Ek Pradhan, Ek Nishan" (One Constitution, One President, One Flag), Praja Parishad, the organization that spearheaded the agitation, called for extension of all provisions of the Constitution of India to the State. Sheikh Abdullah's government came down heavily on the agitation which resulted in martyrdom of forty young Praja Parishad activists. The Sheikh dubbed the agitators communal even though a large number of Muslims from Jammu participated in it.

In Kashmir too the National Conference Government was accused of corruption and maladministration by a large section of its own left-oriented workers and leaders. Disenchantment with the Sheikh soon set in for his strong arm methods of governance. As discontent started to simmer, the Sheikh's popularity as well as his political base began to erode fast.

Unable to stem the rot in the State (his own creation), Sheikh Abdullah started to think loudly about getting the State out of the Indian Union. He even went to the extent of extolling the new leadership that had emerged in Pakistan after the death of Mohammed Ali Jinnah and Liaquat Ali Khan - his personal enemies. He adopted a new stance of denigrating India and conveying to the Kashmiri Muslim that his woes were not due to misrule or corruption but due to accession to India. He started telling foreign reporters and even some of Nehru's colleagues that the issue of accession needed to be looked into again.

Another event that rocked Kashmir during the first phase of Sheikh Abdullah's rule was the tragic death of Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherji, founder President of Bhartiya Jan Sangh, while under detention in Kashmir. Dr. Mukherji had been detained for entering the State without a permit which every Indian living outside the State was required to obtain those days for entry into the State. His death occurred in mysterious circumstances, due to the callous attitude of the State Government, and created a commotion throughout the country. The permit system was withdrawn later, but only after Dr. Mukherji had given his sacrifice.

Abdullah Arrested

Many in the National Conference, like Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed, G.M. Sadiq, Maulana Sayeed and D.P. Dhar resented Sheikh Abdullah's anti-India stance and addressed public meetings and party workers opposing this stand. Several Congress leaders came to Srinagar to talk to Sheikh, but in vain. In his arrogance, the Sheikh went as far as insulting Maulana Azad publicly at a gathering at Idgah in Srinagar. He even held secret meetings with foreign diplomats and dignitaries like the American Ambassador in India Mr. Henderson and Adlai Stevenson. This created doubts in the minds of the people. The CPI (undivided) flayed the Sheikh for playing into the hands of "imperialist" powers. Some people demanded action against him for his irresponsible acts and sought his removal from power. Throughout June and July 1953, Sheikh Abdullah continued to fulminate against India and play on anti-India sentiments, refusing even to meet the Prime Minister of the country. Perhaps he thought that the Government of India would succumb to his pressure tactics and, as always, accept his demands, however unreasonable they may be.

In the grave situation that had arisen, the Sadr-i-Riyasat, and the Central Government in consultation with some prominent National Conference leaders, had to take the unpleasant but unavoidable decision of dismissing Sheikh Abdullah and putting him behind the bars. Almost all the political parties in the country supported this decision in national interests.

Bakshi Comes to Power

Sheikh Adullah was replaced by Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed as Prime Minister of the State. He received total support from a sizeable section of Natlonal Conference workers and leaders like G. M. Sadiq and Mir Qasim besides the left parties and several traditionally anti-Abdullah groups. Even people from Jammu and Ladakh came out to support him. Bakshi released all political prisoners and through his very first declaration abolished levy of peasants, made education free from elemenltary to college stage, introduced subsidy on food and promised all round dcvelopment of the state. It was during Bakshi's regime that planning was introduced in the State and central loans and assistance sought for economic development. Students were given freeships and scholarships to pursue their studies. A number of new developmental works were executed and an Engineering College, a Medical College. an Ayurvedic-cum-Unani College, Industrial Training Institutes and Politechnics were set up in the State for the first time. Roads and buildings came up and irrigation and hydro-elcctric projects were undertaken. A major achievement was the construction of the Jawahar Tunnel at Banihal which shortened the distance between Jammu & Kashmir considerably, making the national highway viable for traffic for most part af the year. But with the developmental works came the inevitable corruption which infected every fabric of the body politic, giving rise to vested interests. Corruption became rampant as political supporters were to be pampered and political opponents won over with money and other allurements. Several centres of extra-constitutional power developed and some even went to the exent of taking the law into their own hands to browbeat opponents. While the Sheikh had resorted to political blackmail, Bakshi would resort to financial blackmail, asking the Central Government to dish out as much money as possible for keeping Kashmiri Muslims on the right side. Corrupt politicians and officials started arguing that to keep the people of the Valley calm and quiet, all irregularities should be overlooked and condoned.

Formation of Plebiscite Front

Supporters of Sheikh Abdullah in the National Conference rallied around Mirza Mohammed Afzal Beg, his second in command, who formed the J&K Plebiscit Front (PF) in 1954. Declaring plebiscite as its goal, this organisation fomented a lot of trouble in Kashmir Valley. The Plebiscite Front spread its tentacles throughout the valley and enrolled thousands as its members. It fed the people on anti-India sentiments and boycotted all elections in the State. A major portion of the Front's finances came from Pakistan, though some local people and a few Indians also contributed. It is believed that some of its important functionaries received financial help and concessions from Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed even. Sheikh Abdullah was the PF's acknowledged supreme leader, though technically he was not even its member. The political fallout of the PF in the State was growth of anti-India forces and large scale dishonesty and corruption.

Democratic National Conference

By 1957, G.M.Sadiq, D.P. Dhar, Mir Qasim and G.L. Dogra, alongwith their left-leaning supporters, got disillusioned with Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed for his method of governance, rampant corruption and strong-arm tactics of some of his supporters. Ultimately in October 1957, they left National Conference en bloc and formed a new political party named Democratic National Conference (DNC) which attracted a large number of youth to its fold. The formation of DNC resulted in a catharsis of pent up feelings. For the first time a pro-India opposition party in Kashmir Valley was able to galvanize people on non-sectarian issues - issues other than plebiscite. The emergence of DNC sent shock waves through PF leadership, some of whose workers started rethinking and showing eagerness to join a struggle based on economic issues. Meanwhile, Sheikh Abdullah was released from jail in January 1958. Still harboring the dream of independent Kashmir, he bitterly attacked the Government of India in an interview to the Blitz weekly at Kud while having a good word for Pakistan, thinking that his release was caused by international pressure on the Indian Government. In his speeches at Srinagar later, he lashed out at Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed for being "unfaithful", and condemned DNC and its leaders as "Indian agents" and "greater enemies" of Kashmir. He was re-arrested after some time and, alongwith some of his colleagues, charged with subversion and sedition against the State. Sheikh Abdullah's outbursts against the DNC were aimed at stifling pro-India voice and projecting PF as the only representative voice of the people of Kashmir. This betrayed the Sheikh's intolerance of alternative leadership.

In about two years, some of the DNC's top leaders started wavering and joined the Bakshi camp. Finally on the insistence of Nehru and other Congress leaders, the DNC leaders dissolved the party and its members trooped back into National Conference. Thus due to their myopic political vision, the Congress leadership lost a great opportunity of seeing a pro-India political party grow in the State which could act as a safety valve by letting people ventilate their grievances and satisfy their democratic urges.

Bakshi Resigns

In 1963, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed was made to resign from the premiership ofthe state under the Kamraj Plan. But the willy Bakshi got Shamsuddin, a supporter of his, elected as leader of the NC Parliamentary Party in disregard to the wishes of the Congress Party bosses, so that he could drive from the backseat. Shamsuddin, however, could only last for 99 days. The theft of the sacred relic at Hazratbal Shrine in Srinagar triggered off a gigantic agitation which saw millions come out on the streets of Kashmir, demanding restoration of the relic and prosecution of the "real culprits". The movement turned against Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed and swept Shamsuddin out of power. But for deft handling by Lal Bahadur Shastri and wise counselling by Maulana Sayeed and G.M. Karra, the situation would have led to a holocaust. The sacred relic was finally restored and its genuineness attested to by a respected Muslim saint. The crisis was defused and Sadiq was asked to take over reins of Government.

Sadiq's Experiment

Sadiq came with his new policy of liberalization, promising democratic rights and seeking to win over volatile anti-India elements through discussion and debate. Even Plebiscite Front members were given a certain respectability and their wards and children provided with cushy jobs. A formula was devised for admissions to higher educational institutions and professional colleges on majority-minority basis - the ratio being 70% for Muslims and 30% for non-Muslims. Though this approach helped to some extent in blunting the edge of the underground anti-India movement, and in neutralizing the youth who were provided with jobs, it also encouraged a large section of separatist elements to come to surface. Demonstrations against India on a scale not witnessed before became order of the day and for the first time the slogan "Indian dogs go back" was raised with impunity. To win elections, Sadiq too resorted to the old stratagem of getting his party candidates elected unopposed. However, Sadiq took a number of measures to bring Jammu & Kashmir into the national mainstream. He got the State Constitution amended to have the nomenclature of the Head of the State changed to Governor from Sadr-i-Riyasat and that of the Head of the Government to Chief Minister (Wazir- e-Ala) from Prime Minister (Wazir-e-Azam). The Governor was now to be appointed by the President instead of being elected by the State Legislature. Further, the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court was extended to the State and several sections of the Indian Constitution made applicable to it. The National Conference was dissolved and merged with the Indian National Congress. This helped to further strengthen political integration. But integration at the emotional level remained a far cry.

Qasim and the Delhi Accord

Sadiq passed away in 1971 and Mir Qasim became the State Chief Minister. During his time overt and covert support to rabid communal organisations like the Jamat-e-Islami grew with the result that it could get five of its members elected to the State Assembly. Anti-India forces gained in strength and the demand for plebiscite was raised with greater vehemance and frequency. Sheikh Abdullah was released and kept in a house in Kotla Lane in Delhi.

In 1972, negotiations were started with Sheikh Abdullah and his colleague Mirza Afzal Beg. After several rounds of talks, an accord was finally reached with the Kashmir leaders. Mir Qasim stepped down and power was handed over to the Sheikh in 1975.

Abdullah Returns to Power

It may be recalled that Sheikh Abdullah had spurned all efforts at reconciliation prior to this. But now his arch foes, Bakshi and Sadiq were dead (He had asked people to dig out Bakshi's grave and given a call for a social boycott of his supporters and sympathisers). But with Pakistan's defeat in the 1971 war and the emergence of Bangladesh, he felt that he had no alternative left but to come to terms with reality and accept the accord offered to him.

By accepting the accord, he hadn't become a patriot overnight, nor had he forgotten the past nor forgiven his detractors. But being in power he could create difficulties for the Centre and this he did. His first act was to make some Muslim MLA's of the Congress to defect to his side. Next, he cut off the subsidy given by the Center on food rations, asking people to tighten their belts rather than eat food at subsidized rates. He also reverted to his old game of speaking with two voices - criticising India in front of his Kashmiri audiences and being his sweet reasonable self while speaking to Indian newsmen or addressing Jammu audiences.

During the 1977 elections, he refused to come to an electoral understanding with the Janta Party as that would compromise his anti-India posture. He fought these elections on the plank of opening the Jhelum Valley Road, withdrawal of Indian Army from Kashmir and defeating "political parties of India". He revised the old "Sher-Bakra" feud to placate critics of his changed political stance. A colleague of his would ask for votes with piece of Pakistani rock-salt in his hand (associated with Pakistan in the minds of Kashmiri Muslims) . After winning the elections, Janata Party supporters were given a rough time by NC toughs: 'Bakras' or Maulana Farooq's followers had to flee their homes and seek shelter in safer places to escape the wrath of furious NC enthusiasts. As for Congress supporters, the choicest epithet of "vermin, insects, worms crawling in the drains" were reserved for them.

During the second phase of the Sheikh's rule (1977-82), obscurantist forces were encouraged. The administration was Islamised as far as possible. Friday prayers were offered in offices. Cinema shows on Fridays were cancelled during the day for Namaz. Every conscious effort was made to undermine the authority of the Indian Union. Income tax officials who came to inquire into income tax evasion by some big business houses in Kashmir were not only denied police assistance but also physically manhandled by violent mobs organised by NC goons: IAS officers from outside the State were given insignificant postings, except a few who did their biddings. Jamat-e-Islami schools were not taken over as Sheikh Abdullah had promised earlier. On the other hand, lots of funds started pouring in from Pakistan and Arab countries for the Jamat and its front organisations and the Jamat-e-Ahl-e-Hadis. In March 1980, the Jamat-e-Islami played host to a delegation from Medina University. The delegation was lavishly entertained by the Sheikh as well. Later, a member of the delegation, Prof. Abdul Samad felt encouraged to say, at a open meeting at Hotel Lala Rukh, Srinagar". For an Islamic revolution we have to prepare the people individually and collectively. To achieve it we have to give sacrifices". The same year in September, Amir Jamat-e-Islami of Occupied Kashmir, Maulana Abdulla paid a visit to Kashmir and publicly proclaimed that Kashmiris were not a party to the Simla Agreement. It is believed that the Maulana had come to brief his counterpart in Kashmir on Gen. Zia's Kashmir plan - "Operation Topac". However, on the advice of the Central Government, he was asked to leave Kashmir within twenty four hours.

Under one pretext or other a number of new police battalions were raised. Some of these battalions recruited Jamat activists and even persons believed to be from across the line of control.

To prove himself to Kashmiri Muslims, the Sheikh resorted to Islamization. Government as well as Muslim Auqaf funds were spent on building impressive mosques and beautifying areas surrounding mosques. Muslim property worth crores of rupees was built on government land. A special SRO was issued to change the names of hundreds of Kashmir villages so as to obliterate traces of old history and culture. By this policy the Sheikh helped, directly or indirectly, forces, inimical to India and its secular character. He spent his last years in power to make India 'a suspect' in the eyes of Kashmiri Muslims. That is one of the reasons why he described all Kashmiri Pandits as IB agents in his autoblography "Aatsh-e-Chinar," and castigated Indian Secularism and Congress leaders. Incidently this book has been awarded the Sahitya Academy award.

It is conceded by even his admirers that Sheikh Abdullah died a bitter man. He had stopped trusting people. He fell out with Afzal Beg who was thought to be his alter ego. He did not have any confidence even in his son-in-law, G.M. Shah. So he declared his son, Dr. Farooq Abdullah, as his heir and made him the President of the National Conference. Addressing a public gathering to mark this occasion, he said, "I trust him and request you too to help him in doing the job. Like me, he won't betray your trust. What I have not been able to achieve, he will." In September 1982, Sheikh Abdullah passed away and Dr. Farooq was made the Chief Minister ignoring the claims of his seniors and without consulting the party legislators. Everything was done silently and swiftly, with the blessings of Mrs. Gandhi, as Farooq was close to her son Rajiv.

Farooq Abdullah - X-rayed and Exposed

Farooq Abdullah's political education started in England where he came into contact with a JKLF group that had close links with the British Secret agencies. He came into contact with the JKLF leader Amanullah Khan in London on his arrival there in 1971, after fleeing Pakistan with his friends to evade arrest. During his visit to Pakistan in 1973, Farooq Abdullah went to Pak-occupied Kashmir and took an oath to 'Liberate' Kashmir in a ceremony organised by the JKLF. He also administered such an oath to a number of other young men present there. When Sheikh Abdullah was accorded a reception in Kashmir after his return to power, Farooq too joined the procession alongwith a number of his JKLF friends whom he had brought with himself all the way from England and raised a new slogan "Chyon Desh, Myon Desh - Kashur Desh, Kashur Desh" (Kashmir is your country, and mine). Whether he continued to have links with JKLF after donning the robes of Chief Ministership, is an open question, left to the people to judge. Let us have a brief look at some of his activities within the State and outside.

On assuming office with the help of his father's ministerial colleagues, he denounces them at a public meeting right in their presence and asks for people's mandate to have a new team of 'honest and trustworthy' ministers. Fed up with corruption, people shout the ministers down and make them run for their lives.

He tells the gathering that he will never compromise 'the dignity and honour' of Kashmiris, even if it means "fighting the mighty India." Within three months he assumes an anti-Center, anti-Congress stance and aligns with the opposition parties as a tactical move to make his position comfortable. He allows his state to become a backyard of Punjab terrorists who pour in large numbers. Many young Sikhs of Jammu & Kashmir join their ranks during his first tenure as Chief Minister. He provides facilities to terrorists from Punjab to set up training centres in Kashmir and allows local Sikh extremists to take out processions and demonstrations.

On hearing the news of Bhindranwale's death, he rushes to Khir Bhawani, where a fair is on, (most Hindus go to this shrine on Ashtami day) and tells the pilgrims to rush back to their homes as the ''Sardars have lost their Guru" warning them that "the situation was going to become pretty bad here as well as in India." He knows that the situation will take an ugly turn, yet he - the Chief Minister-cannot prevrent arson and loot of houses, temples and places of religious assembly like the Nirankari Bhawan, in sensitive areas of Srinagar like Jawahar Nagar, Wazir Bagh and Hanuman Mandir. He sends the police only when the situation starts getting out of control and Army vehicles are attacked, with the result that more than 15 persons unnecessarily lose their lives in police firing.

At Kashmir University functions, he exhorts students to preserve "Kashmiriyat" and Islamic identity. He patronises a group of Kashmiri intellectuals asking its members to project "Kashmiriyat" before like-minded intellectuals elsewhere in India, particularly those holding anti-Congress views, though himself he has very little concern for the cultural values and ethos fostered by Kashmir.

He accuses India of fomenting communal trouble and asks whether the Kashmiri Musalman is safe in India. Before Indian political leaders and mediamen, he tries to present himself as an Indian patriot hounded by Mrs. Gandhi and her Congress. In Kashmir, he joins hands with the arch rival of the Abdullah family, Maulana Farooq raising the slogan of Muslim brotherhood. He organises the youth wing of National Conference and exhorts youth to work in unison for the goal and be prepared for the 'battle for freedom." As the 1983 elections draw near, he starts fulminating against India and the Central Government. Addressing election meetings he says, 'We are fighting the Congress. Its defeat will mean the defeat of the central power that wants to subjugate Kashmiris."

When Mrs. Gandhi comes to address a public meeting, the meeting is disturbed and Mrs. Gandhi cajoled and insulted right in the presence of the police. Some NC goons go to the extent of exposing their naked genitals before her; The Congress office in Srinagar is set on fire and all the persons named in the FIR are found out to be National Conference activists.

During the elections hired hoodlums and toughs are let loose in predominantly anti-NC areas. At places, impersonation is so blatant that an ex-IGP is told his vote has been already cast.

F'arooq Abdullah wins from most of the Muslim constituencies on an anti-India and anti-Hindu platform, while the Congress wins from most of the Jammu areas by playing the Hindu card.

Being the majority party leader, Dr. Farooq forms the government, concentrating most of the power in his own hands; It is during this second tenure of his that a 'One Day Cricket Match' between West Indies and India is organised at Srinagar. During this match, the Indian players are booed at and greeted with chants of 'Indian dogs go back' by hooligans waiving Pakistan flags. A pandemonium-breaks out in presence of Farooq Abdullah, who not only sits through all this but even tries to justify it. Perhaps this demonstration is aimed at making the foreign team understand that Kashmiris are not with India. This results in cancellation of such matches in Kashmir for the future.

In order to gain friends in India, Farooq tries to prolect hirnself as an anti-Congress Chief Minister. To this end he attends conclaves of opposition leaders and invites them to Kashmir. This takes in even the shrewdest of Indian politicians, for he tries to be all things to all men, while keeping his real cards close to his chest.

Even as he was doing every thing to dilute the central authority, he maintained close relations with Rajiv with the help of some common friends. Inspite of his gimmicks, Farooq failed to create any impression as an administrator, spending most of his time in pleasure pursuits. His cavalier attitude and frivolous manner cost him his seat, as Mrs. Gandhi eased him out by engineering defections with the help of his brother-in-law G.M. Shah. Supported by the Congress, the defectors formed a new government in July, 1984.

Shah's Misrule & the 1986 Riots

Shah's installation as Chief Minister proved too costly for India. Even people opposed to Dr. Farooq were not happy with Shah and his ways. During his rule, the State slumped into chaos and confusion. Bomb blasts and subversion became order of the day and life came to a standstill due to frequent imposition of curfew. Some people believed it to be the handiwork of JKLF activists said to be instigated by Dr. Farooq to queer the pitch for G.M.Shah.

All through this period, Farooq feigned an injured innocence and tried to gain the sympathy of the opposition leaders and the media. He had two faces to show to people - his anti-India face which was meant for his supporters in Kashmir and the face of a victimized person which he showed to his friends in the opposition and the Congress.

In February, 1986, riots broke out in Kashmir against the miniscule minority of Kashmiri Pandits, particularly in the district of Anantnag. Fundamentalists joined by some N. workers and Congressmen went on a spree of loot and arson and desecraion of temples to terrorise the helpless Pandits. Nobody had the courage to save them from the hands of the rioters except some old nationalist minded Muslims. Stern action proposed against the then Dy. Commissioner and Police Chief of Anantnag District was opposed by some religious hot-heads and political extremists. In view of the situation getting out of hand, Congress withdrew its support to the Shah Ministry and Governor's rule was imposed. Shah fell, not because of the sympathy that Farooq had gained during this period, but because of his own misrule.

The Governor takes Charge

The Governor's rule came as a boon to the people who were fed up with corruption and misgovernance. With the Governor in charge, things started moving in Kashmir. Peoples' grievances got redressed without delay and corruption eliminated to a large extent. The Governor made every officer responsible for his job in order to solve the problems faced by the common man. Problems like water scarcity and power shortage that had been plaguing the state for years, were remedied in a short period. Governor Jagmohan captured the hearts of the Kashmiri people who felt greatly impressed by his administrative acumen and competence. Yet there were some persons - politicians, power brokers, black marketeers, corrupt officials, drug peddlers and exploiters of all hues - who were not happy. These people started ganging up and spreading canards against Governor Jagmohan, some called him "a Muslim baiter" and some "a Hindu chauvinist" of Turkman Gate fame. These allegations, however, made little dent on public opinion, as people for the first time saw things being done.

The Rajiv - Farooq Combine

While the Governor was busy clearing the augean stable in the State, Dr. Farooq was busy mending his fences with the Center. Corrupt politicians and big businessmen also wanted the Governor's rule to go as they feared that they would not be able to get their share of the "loot". By this time Rajiv had already decided to put Farooq back in the saddle and share power with him in Kashmir. He eased out Mufti Mohammed Sayeed from Presidentship of J & K Congress by inducting him into the Central Cabinet. Mufti had tried to build a base for the Congress in Kashmir and in the process had offered resistance to both the Sheikh and Dr. Abdullah. During his Presidentship of the State Congress, the Kashmir Government had resorted to lathi charge and firing on a pro-India rally shouting "India Zindabad" that he had organised. This had resulted in 9 deaths. With the Mufti out of the way, all impediments to a Congress-NC alliance were removed. Though Farooq could have possibly won the elections on his own on an anti-India plank, he chose to have an electoral alliance with Congress so as to make sure he would retain power. In the elections, National Conference and Congress had to face a lot of resistance. Fearing that the National Conference would lose 14 to 15 seats, the party indulged in all possible malpractices, the worst being the misuse of police and administrative machinery in contriving the results. Eager to share power, Congress made the blunder of leaving the field open to sectarian opposition. By making Congress the Junior coalition partner, Dr. Farooq, on the other hand, was able to get its influence almost wiped out in the State. Everybody in the Congress revolved round the ministers to ask for favours and as the favours were not easy to come by, because the Congress Ministers did not have any powers and the civil service too was apathetic towards them, people started getting disillusioned and veering away from them.

A New Alliance and the Upsurge of Militancy

Such activists of NC as had burnt the Congress office at the bidding of their leaders and indulged in other subversive activities, felt cheated by the Congress-NC alliance. So they organized themselves into a new alliance - the Muslim United Front-which comprised the Jamat-i-Islami, People's Party, Itehad-ul-Musalmeen, Awami Action Committee, Independent National Conrerence of G. M. Shah and some youth and student groups. The alliance got defeated in the elections, its workers beaten up and humiliated. Of these, a group of youngsters belonging to the Amira Kadal constituency, who formed the NC's 'martial brigade' earlier, got particularly infuriated and vowed to avenge their humiliation. One Aijaz Dar announced right outside the counting hall, from where he was thrown out by the police and the NC candidate, that he and his friends would shoot Farooq and other NC leaders as well as top police and civil officers and other prominent persons. Dar was killed in a police "encounter" and with his death terrorism took a new turn in Kashmir. Instead of the VIPs, softer targets were taken - an odd NC worker, a petty police officer, and a number of defenseless Kashmiri Pandits. The fact is that terrorist activity in Kashmir got a shot in the arm when Farooq took over the second time. His first act was to release a number of militants from jail. For sometime the activities of terrorists remained confined to bomb blasts and sniping at police officers. Later they changed their strategy and made buses, tourist coaches and Central Government offices also their targets. Taking it as a challenge, some police officers succeeded in arresting quite a number of them, including some self-styled "Area Commanders" of today. But in 1989, Farooq Abdullah released as many as 23 top militants on the plea that this would give them a chance to join the mainstream and claimed that this had the approval of "Rajiv Gandhi". The release of the militants demoralised the police officers some of whom were asked telephonically by the terrorists to stay away and not to "burn their fingers" unnecessarily. The message was clear and loud. Police and civil administration officers now started giving shelter to terrorists and some police officers were even seen saluting them. Some known terrorists were seen walking down the streets of Srinagar and exchanging "hello" with policemen on duty.

Feeling encouraged, the militants set the National Flag on fire right under the supervision of the local police, while CRP men on duty stood watching helplessly waiting for orders and instructions from the local police.

A measure of the militants' new boldness could be witnessed on August 14, 1989, when Pakistan's Independence Day was celebrated in the Valley with great pomp and show. On the other hand, on August 15 India's national flag was made bonfire of at a number of places. Blackout was observed in the evening which was carried out from transmissions stations at a number of places.

A number of school buildings were burnt in the next phase and several business concerns and godowns ransacked. Anyone reporting an incident to the police now got a stock reply: "Take it easy and forget about it." The rot that had set in was so deep that a Kalashnikov gun and some hand grenades and time bombs were recovered from the house of the Law Minister's son-in-law: a junior engineer. The junior engineer's younger brother was arrested by the police in this case, but was bailed out on the intervention of Farooq Abdullah.

Bars and wine shops were now made the targets and were looted and bombed during day time. Prominent tourist hotels like the Broadway were asked to wind up their bars and Amarsingh Club, Srinagar Club and Golf Club which had Farooq himself as Patron or President, had to close down their bars. Liquor traders were attacked, their trade premises looted and ransacked forcing them to close their business.

The fact is that Farooq Abdullah's government had abdicated its responsibility much before December 1989 and various terrorist outfits had taken control of the Valley. Local dailies started reporting the terrorists' activities prominently. These included the "Quomi Awaz", official organ of the State Congress. The papers were asked by the terrorists to refrain from writing anything that went against them. Even 'Kashmir Times' an English daily from Jammu, used to give prominence only to terrorist actitivities in the Valley.

It is indeed intriguing that when the State's administrative machinery had come to a standstill, Farooq chose to be away on foreign jaunts. Equally intriguing is the manner in which pistols and small arms issued to NC workers found their way to the terrorists (They were snatched away from them, is the explanation offered, but that is hardly convincing). Another unusual phenomenon that erupted in 1988-89 is the 'civil curfew' or 'curfew' imposed by the terrorists themselves. During this 'curfew' or a strike call given by terrorist outfits, shops and concerns owned by the government or Congress or NC supporters were the first to close.

The Rubaiya Episode

The release of Rubaiya, daughter of India's Home Minister, Mufti Mohammed Sayeed, in exchange for five top militants marked a turning point in the militant movement in Kashmir. With their spirits soaring higher than ever before, militants and their supporters came out in the streets in their thousands to celebrate their triumph; singing and dancing wildly. Anti-India slogans rent the air and for sometime it looked as if Kashmir had become a part of Pakistan. The Abdullah government was so paralysed that it did nothing to bring the situation under control, not even impose a curfew. In fact, the entire state machinery appeared to be cooperating with the terrorists in their awful display of strength.

Terrorist Outfits and Their Hues

Right from 1949, Pakistan has been involved directly in organizing subversion in Kashmir. In 1965, it sent thousands of armed infiltrators to grab Jammu & Kashmir for Pakistan, but the attempt misfired and resulted in Indo-Pak war and the Tashkent Agreement. Pakistan was again bloodied in the 1971 war, but it learnt no lessons and continued to foment trouble in the State. For this purpose a new subversive organization, the Jammu & Kashmir Liberation Front, was set up in Bhutto's time which adopted killings and kidnappings as its main strategy. But it was General Zia who cleverly manipulated a plan of subterfuge, subversion and terrorism in Punjab and Kashmir providing claws to militancy. His plan for Kashmir, code named Operation Topac, was prepared painstakingly with the help of ISI and was to be implemented in three phases. In his view, "It would take a lot of time for Kashmiri Muslims to rise in armed revolt against India as they have no martial tradition, but they can through their cunning subvert Indian polity in Kashmir. Attention should be concentrated on winning over Muslim bureaucrats and police force and dry up all intelligence sources. Once it is done, rest can be left to Pak forces." Zia got Kashmiri Muslim youth enrolled for arms training and subversion by ISI with the help of JKLF and Jamat-e-Islami. The first batch received such training in Pakistan in 1984-85. This batch included several known NC workers who were sent to Pakistan with the blessings of important N.C. leaders. Later Jamat-e-Islami started sending its own boys for the training. Training camps were also set up in the outskirts of Srinagar as well as some rural and border areas of Kashmir valley. These activities were brought to the notice of the Center, but it chose to ignore the reports on the ground that law and order is a state subject and Farooq, who held the home portfolio, had denied that any such activity was going on in Kashmir. Interestingly, when bomb blasts and other subversive acts rocked the Valley during G. M. Shah's time, he put the blame on Farooq and his supporters. Thus, as the administration slept, militants made hay and merrily trained Muslim youth in the use of firearms and explosives. The cult of the Kalashnikov changed the entire complexion of the militant movement in 1988-89, with the extremists getting more and more defiant with every passing day, till the situation exploded in December last. In the meanwhile, a plethora of militant groups cropped up, varying in hues but united in their determination to "liberate" Kashmir from India and following a well planned strategy of creating terror and anarchy. Today, besiders JKLF, Hizbi Islami Dukhtaran-i-Kashmir, Hizbul-Mujahideen, Allah Tigers, Al Khomeini, Operation Balakote etc. have become names that are holding the entire Kashmir valley in a grip of terror - a grip that has shown no signs of relaxing so far.

Strategy of Subversion

Working in tandem, these terrorist, fundamentalist and secessionist outfits are guided by Zia's Operation Topac for their strategy, which in a nutshell is: 1) Spread fear and terror; 2) Spread half-truths and falsehoods; 3) Demoralise political opponents; 4) Gain active support of Muslim police and bureaucracy in the name of Islam and Jehad; 5) Suppress all dissent through threats, bomb blasts or shoot-outs; 6) Indulge in selective killings of non-Muslims and scare them away through verbal or written warnings; 7) Indulge in arson, loot and destruction of liquorshops, bars, clubs, video parlours, beauty parlours etc, as these are all un-Islamic; 8) Ensure strict adherence to Islamic rules of conduct; for instance, purdah in case of women; 9) Eliminate Indian Intelligence personnel, expecially non-Muslims; 10) Burn down government and private schools run by non-Muslims and promote Jamat schools; 11) Do not allow any political activity except that which is sanctioned by militant organisations; 12) Take control of local mosques and mullahs; 13) Ambush and attack security forces; 14) Kidnap VIP's and their relatives; 15) Assasinate political enemies and deserters.

With these tactics in their repertory, the militant groups are recruiting boys and girls aged between 15 and 18 for indoctrination and training, as youth belonging to this age group are most impressionable, idealistic, obedient and inclined to make any sacrifice demanded of them. Hero worship and unquestionable faith in the leader are the other traits that makes them most suited for carrying out secret assignments.

Irrelevance of Political Parties

With Pakistan-backed secessionist movement holding absolute sway political parties have been rendered irrelevant in the State. Paralysed by rear, they do not have the courage to come out in the open and face the terrorist challenge. While the cleverly manipulated Zia Plan has kept its schedule, political parlies in the State have responded by silence and inaction. Riven with dissensions, the Congress has been annihilated in the Valley while the discredited NC leadership has started speaking in a voice not too different from that of the militants. The party's ranks are deserting it by droves and its organisational set-up has totally collapsed.

For the last two years, functionaries of the party have been publicly disowning their links with it through announcements in the local dailies. Many a top beneficiary of NC-Congress rule have switched over their loyalty and are today helping the militants liberally with funds.

Other parties do not matter at all, whatever their hue. The left parties, CPI and CPM, which tried to take a stand, have been ferociously attacked. Their offices have been ransacked, their leaders assassinated, their workers terrorised. Bombs have been planted in the houses of several of their activists forcing them to disclaim their "connections with the Communists" and announce their "faith in Allah and Islam". Most of the non-Muslim members of these parties have fled the Valley, while their Muslim members are either living in Jammu or hiding in the Valley.

The BJP has been one of the worst victims of the militants' wrath-its leader Tika Lal Taploo being the first to be assassinated for his courage of conviction. A number of BJP workers left the Valley in wake of Taploo's murder, for they too had received threats of being physically liquidated.

With this being the political situation in the Valley today, it is amusing to hear some people talking of resuming the "political process" in Kashmir. This is being done more with a view to taking political advantage of the situation than any understanding of the reality on the ground. The Indian political parties have, with the exception of the Bhartiya Janta Party, not been able to desist from exploiting the situation for partisan ends.

It is high time Indian political leaders removed their blinkers and saw the reality. The situation is too grave to indulge in the game of politicking and scoring points. The challenge posed by the terrorists is a challenge of fascist forces which can not be met with democratic dialogue. It is a challenge to the very basis of our nationhood, its ethos, its culture. What can be the basis for a dialogue when the militants have time and again rejected all political solutions except establishment of a fundamentalist Islamic state outside the Indian Union - as a prelude to joining Pakistan.

The scribes and the so-called liberatarians who are crying hoarse against what they call police repression and genocide must know that, what is at stake in Kashmir is not only the unity and integrity of the nation but the very ideological foundations to which it has remained moored through the centuries. The problem in Kashmir is that a full-fledged armed uprising against the country has been engineered with the help of Pakistan, and an armed revolt can not be put down by political dialogue but by firm action. Seeing things through the eyes of Khoemeini brand rabid fundamentalists responsible for brutal and barbaric killings of innocent people, to dub action taken by the security forces to protect lives and property of innocent citizens and to prevent anarchy as repression is pathological indeed. Why don't these political pundits and self-styled champions of human rights come out from their safe havens and tell the terrorists that they are following a wrong path? Why don't they condemn their brutalities, their inhumanity, their callousness, their bigotry? Why don't they feel outraged when murderous gangs indulge in gory acts in the name of religion, democracy and freedom ? Do they know that more than 90% of the minority Kashmiri Hindus have been hounded out of the Valley while the remaining 10% are holed up in their houses like scared rabbits ? Why are they then silent over it ? Why this hypocrisy?

Economic Discontent - A Myth Exploded

What is the cause for this uprising, this anti-India sentiment ? Surely not economic discontent as some who like to cling to romantic illusions would like us to believe. These people while sipping Martini or listening to Mozart like to talk of Kashmir's backwardness or identity crisis. There is nothing farther from the truth. Kashmir alone does not have the problem of unemployment. Economic conditions in Kashmir are much better than in many an Indian State. Kashmir is the only place in the country after Punjab where most of the agricultural operations are being got done by hired labor from Bihar or Orissa. It is the only place where education is free from elementary to professional and university level. The only place where land was distributed to the tillers, where per capita saving is highest in India and per capita consumption also of animal proteins; and expenditure on clothing is also the highest; where everybody has a place of his own to live. They should have seen the number of "poor" Kashmiris paying hefty sums of two to three lakhs as capitation fees for admission to a recently opened private medical college in Kashmir before raising the myth of economic backwardness. Do they know that these so called backward people own assets worth hundreds of crores in metropolitan cities of India besides their native Kashmir.

As for identity crisis, let it suffice to say that Kashmir is the only place where people prefer to teach their children Urdu or English instead of Kashmiri.

The Illiusion and the Solution

This then is the perspective in which the current crisis in Kashmir should be viewed. It has not been triggered by unemployment or some such imagined horror. It is the creation of Pakistani manipulations and machinations. The plan in operation shows the direct hand of Pakistan, of the ISI working in collaboration with Pakistani political organisation. It would be dishonesty to shy away from calling a spade a spade. The situation is bad enough but not irremediable. Secessionists consumed by hatred of India and every thing that India stands for, who have gone berserk causing death and destruction in the state, have to be eliminated and authority of the state established firmly. A clear and unambiguous message has to be put across to them and those instigating and inspiring them that India has the will and power to hold Kashmir.

Respect for the state authority has to be instilled in the minds of militants and terrorists and their attempts to create trouble foiled with a firm hand. Only then can dialogue be opened and political process restarted. The policy of pampering and purchasing loyalties has proved self defeating. A new thinking and a new outlook has to be developed, to make the Kashmiri speaking part of the State, understand that India extends from Kashmir to Kanyakumari and all its people irrespective of language, culture, caste and ethnic backgrounds are a part of this great country. Succumbing to financial or political blackmail by a region of the State can only result in further problems in other regions of the State. Let the State be rid of terrorists as a first priority. Any political process can be initiated only after terrorism is completely stamped out and normalcy restored. This political process should, however, remain confined to the limits of the constitution and involve all the three regions of the state so that they have a sense of justice and equal participation.

Edited by:  
Dr. S. S. Toshkhani
Mr. B. L. Kaul
Prof. M. L. Raina