Shrivara
by Professor K. N. Dhar
Without beating about the
bush, Shrivara straightway adduces two reasons for
taking up the thread of chronicle-writing from
Jona Raja. Firstly, be writes "I have taken
this assignment simply to complete the unfinished
History of Kings written by Jona Raja, whose
disciple I am". At the same time he, in all
humility, confesses his diffidence, to reach up to
his guru's heights. Secondly, he acknowledges the
fillial affection which Sultan Zain-ul-abdin
nourished for him and to repay his debt towards
him elected to write history, so that posterity
does not forget him altogether. He pays back what
he owed to the Sultan, not in terms of gold which
is perishable, but in words throbbing with his
gratitude for him, imperishable of cours. No
better deal than this could be imagined. He made
his name immortal while his treasures and regal
splendour lie buried in the womb of past. Shrivara
makes the Sultan live in the present even though
belonging to the days of yore.
As has been indicated
earlier Jona Raja could not write the account of
penultimate eleven years of Budshah's reign. He
was snatched away by the icy hands of death. So in
all sincerity Shrivara records that Jona Raja
mounted the funeral pyre in the 35th year of the
local calendar which works at 1457 A.D. So, the
commencement of his treatise can be taken safely
from this year, and he also could complete the
account of Kashmir Sultans upto the year 1486 A.D.
only, much against his wishes. Therefore, Shrivara
records the events of more or less 29 years as an
eye witness. Even though he has veneration for his
Guru Jona Raja, yet he has arranged his chronicle
on the pattern used by Kalhana; he alone seems to
be his ideal in this field. Jona Raja has given
verses serially without breaking these into
sections or subsections. Shrivara has revived the
"Taranga" form of dividing history into
cantos. He has also indicated the subjects he has
treated in a particular canto at the end of each.
With this astute wakefulness on his part, he got
rid of the interpolations whatsoever. Beginning
the History of Kashmiri Sultans with the last
eleven years of Budshah he has ended it with the
Sultan Fatehshah's accession to the throne. In
between these he has treated profusely Haider
Shah, Hassan Shah and Mohammad Shah - a span of
Kashmir History covering nearly 29 years. In the
colophon of his last canto he only says that
"This canto has ended", but does not
indicate that Zaina Tarangini, as a whole, has
come to an end. This clearly establishes that he
was also not destined to complete whole of the
project. His untimely death must have intervened
to leave it incomplete like his guru Jona Raja. He
has captioned his "River of Kings" as
Zaina Tarangini directly as well as at end of each
canto, which proves beyond any doubt that his
forte was to describe the reign of Budshah only in
the first instance. Budshah's successors have been
described only to preserve the continuity of the
Sultan. At that time many compositions were named
after the Sultan -N oth Soma composed "Zainacharita",
Yodha Bhatta : "Zaina Prakash" and
Bhatta Avtar : "Zaina Vilasa". Shrivara
also took after the fashion of the time; hence
instead of christening his chronicle as Raja
Tarangini, he gave it the title "Zaina
Tarangini". Shrivara while unfolding the
events of reign of the Sultan clearly mentioned
that he would describe the rule of the king along
with his son - presumably Haji. Perhaps this
insertion proves that towards the closing year of
his reign Zainul-ab-Din had become ineffective and
tbe power was auctually concentrated in the hands
of his sons; so this historian could not afford to
ignore the authority of the son while describing
the reign of his father. Furthermore, Shrivara
spares us the trouble of making unnecessary
conjectures in this behalf by recording that the
Sultan was so much scared of his other sons that
he kept Haji always with himself, perhaps as a
veritable shield for any surprise attack on him.
His tactics were to play one brother against the
other, so that he would himself remain unscathed
and steer safe between the two. Shrivara has
described the reign of Badshah in a more detailed
manner than his predecessor Jona Raja. While Jona
Raja has dispensed with the first 39 years of the
rule of the Sultan in 267 verses, Shrivara has
treated a far less span of years in 786 verses.
Two unforeseen natural
calamities befell Kashmiris in those years. The
first was the unprecedented rains in Chet i. e.
March and April. Shrivara even says that dust did
pour down from the sky which obstructed the
prospects of rice-sowing with tbe result that food
shortage loomed large before the denizens of this
land of plenty. Perhaps to accentuate the
conditions of famine snow fall was unexpectedly
witnessed in the month of Maghar i.e. October. The
crops already hit by unprecedented rains earlier,
were engulfed by early snow. Whatever food could
be salvaged from the fields was turned to dust
before ripening. The cycle of famine was thus
complete. Shrivara gives a vivid, yet pathetic,
description of people tormented by hunger. The
thieves breaking into houses at night 1eft gold,
silver and money untouched, but ransacked every
utensil for laying hands on food. The people were
forced to eat vegetables, roots and fruits. When
these got exhaugted tho people did not spare the
leaves of the trees, more especially the "Bandhujiva"
(sustainer of the kind literally, actually the
name of the sun-flower plant). One 'khari' of
paddy which used to sell at three hundred dinars
was now available at fifteen hundred dinars and
that also with much difficulty.
The Sultan rose upto this
misfortune without losing his nerve. He devised
many means to ameliorate the sufferings of his
people. He purchased paddy at a very high cost,
even imported it and gave it to people at
subsidised rates. The black marketeer were brought
to book and artificial scarcity created by these
was reduced to a large extent. He also opened free
'langars' for the most poor section of his people.
To crown all, he opened avenues of work for
people, so that they could earn wages and thus
keep wolf out of the door. Earth-work camps were
installed; edible oil was got extracted from the
walnuts and other kinds of greases from the pines
and otthr forest trees. Above all he enforced
moratorium on debts - the agencies of lending and
borrowing were abolished.
Zainul-ab-Din had also to
contend with the runaway habits of his son Adam
Khan who even tried to snatch the throne from the
Sultan. Contequently the King had to bring him to
bay at Pallashila, near Shopian where a fierce
fight took place between the father and the son.
Adam Khan was repentent, hence his life was spared
by the orders of the Sultan. Conspiracies and
counter-conspiracies in his court were as much
responsible for this rebellious character of Adam
Khan. The Sultan returned to his capital and
erected a pyramid of the skulls of Adam Khan's
soldiers, put to sword in his war. This was the
reason why the Sultan annoinated Haji Khan as the
heir-apparent. Adam Khan went into self-exile. On
the heels of the earlier flood and consequent
famine in the thirty sixth year of the reign of
the Sultan, i.e. in 1460 A.D., orily after two
years, this scourage repeated itself. Another bolt
from tbe blue made the conditions in Kashmir far
more worse. All the rivers, namely Vitasta, Ladri,
Veshav, Sindh and Kuta Kol were in spate due to
torrential rains and vied witheach other in
recording the highest water-level. The king, in
order to see for himself the ravage wrought by
this flood, toured the districts submerged under
water in a boat. He felt grieved to see the paddy
under water, foreboding shortage of cereals. At
last the swaying waves found respite at Sonawari.
Persian historians have not described this second
flood at all. Since Shrivara's evidence is of
contemporary importance, hence his testimony to
this effect cannot be discredited.
Fireworks were also
introduced in Kashmir in the reign of Budshah.
Shrivara has profusely described the different
varieties of these made by Kashmiri artisans, e.
g. the arrows, the discs, the sheets, the tubes
tied with string and waved in the air, the
petal-shedding flowers, the wavy-serpents etc. The
mastermind behind all these inventions was one
"Habib". Salt-petre and sulphur were
also harnessed into making guns and cannons. For
the first time in the history of Kashmir such
missiles were invented and used. Shrivara even
gives the date of this marvellous invention, which
is 1465 A. D. He further says that it was called
"Top" in Muslim language and
"Kanda" in popular dialect. The Sultan
had also maintained a river-army, more or less a
navy in miniature. This wing of the arm was
provided boats for the mobility of soldiers, on
water ways where the floats would take place,
Shrivara has penned down that one "Deva"
by name was the chief of this force.
The Sultan was also very
receptive to fine arts. He was not only a gifted
singer (vocalist as well as instrumentalist)
himself, but also showered limitless bounties on
talented singers. The musical instrument "Rabab"
is actually indigenous. Out of ignorance some
Persian historians have asserted that it was
imported here from Iran. Shrivara's contemporary
evidence in this behalf cannot be contradicted. He
says "The invention of this musical
instrument Rabab Behlol and other Vocalists were
munificently rewarded by the King."
The Sultan was torn with
grief towards the cloging years of his life. The
sole cause for his dismay, which eventually broke
his health was the fued between his sons. His
eldest son Adam Khan did not refrain from waging
war against his father. The King died with a
broken heart on Friday, the twelfth of Jeth, in
the year 1527 Bikrimi (1470 A. D.), having ruled
for fifty-two years. In the words of Shrivara -
"On that day the houses were devoid of smoke,
as no cooking was done in the city. The people
became life-less and speechless with grief on
being bereaved of their master."
He was laid to rest in
his ancestral graveyard (Mazari-Salatin) near the
grave of his father Sikandar. A gravestone
glittering like transparent crystal was erected
there with an epitaph inscribed on it. However
this stone is missing at present in the
Mazari-Salatin. If it were discovered, the exact
date of the Sultan's demise could be found out
without any brain-racking whatsoever.
In view of the strife
amongst his sons, his advisers had suggested to
the Sultan that he should name his heir - apparent
in his life time. Adam Khan had already revolted
against his father and was living at Jammu with
his maternal uncle. The youngest Behram was not
also looked upon kindly by his father, the Sultan.
Even though he (the Sultan) had a soft corner for
Haji Khan, the second son, yet he refrained from
nominating him as his successor. He simply said,
"I will not confer my kingdom on any one of
my sons during my life-time. He, who is strongst
amongst them all, will definitely get the throne
after I am no more."
So, when Budshah breathed
his last, Haji Khan his second son ascended the
throne on the first day of dark fortnight of Jetha
in 1470 A.D., but was destined to reign only for
one year and ten months. Adam Khan the eldest was
in self-exile and the youngest Behram Khan was
paid the price of 'Nagam-jager' for renouncing his
claim to the throne. Moreover, the Kuchhais, a
local clan were in fovour of Haji Khan. All these
causes contributed to his coming to power. He
assumed the name of Haider Shah as sultan and
issued his royal-seal under this very name. He was
annointed as the king, by the Royal Treasurer,
Hassan Kuchbai with due religious formalities.
Herein it may be said without any fear of
contradiction that Sultan Haider Shah ordered the
performance of age-old Hindu rites of "Raja-Tilak"
along with the Muslim ceremonies pertinent to the
assumption of kingship. On that auspicious day
whole of "Sikandar - puri" (present
Nowshehra), near Srinagar was profusely
illuminated.
His first act as the
Sultan was to confer the Jagir of Nagam "of
fertile soil" upon his younger brother Behram
Khan. He also gave away Ikshika (Pachhagom near
Damodar udar) and Kamraz to his son Hassan and
proclaimed him as his heir-apparent. The rulers of
Rajori and Indus (Sindhu) who had come to take
part in his coronation were honoured by the
Sultan.
An extraordinary event
during his reign has besmeared the reputation of
tolerance built brick by brick by his father
Budshah. The Sultan was actually a nincompoop and
given to licentious addiction to wine and women.
One barber, a neo-convert "Purna" by
name earned his confidence and also acted as his
pimp and tout. This barber lost his head by thc
unbelievable protection he received from the
Sultan, for reasons obvious, and began to unleash
a reign of terror on the people, especilly the
Hindus. The limbs of offenders were got amputated
on a light excuse. Being suffocated by such
tyranny the Hindus gave expression to their
pent-up feelings by damaging the "Khanqah"
of the Sayid. The Muslim subjects of the Sultan
being exasperated by this sacrilege prompted him
to teach a lesson to tho Hindu subjects by
inflicting most inhuman atrocities on them. In
this context Shrivara has recorded: "The
Sultan, torn to the quicks by this, got the hands
and noses of many Hindus amputated. He even
ordered the demolition of the idol at the
Bahu-Khatkeshwara, the presiding Bhairva of the
City."
Intensity of such
atrocities compelled many Hindus to foresake their
own faith and dress, and declare that they were
not Bhattas. In this connection it may be safely
asserted that 'Nabatu', the colloquial phrase in
Kashmiri even current today, denoting total
annihilation of Bhattas has its origin in 'Na
Bhatta Aham' (I am not a Bhatta). This is the
second 'Nabatu" in the series on records, the
first being in the reign of Sikandar. Adam Khan,
the eldest son of Budshah and virtually having an
undisputed title to the throne, thought this time
most propitious to invade Kashmir and snatch away
kingship from his brother Haider Khan. He was not
far from wrong in choosing this time for his
attack. The king was oblivious to his duties and a
sizable portion of his subjects was disgruntled.
About the law and order situation prevailing at
that time in Kashmir, Shrivara has remarked-
"The thieves, the jackals, the cruel, the
adulterors, the crimnals and the deceitful roamed
about during the day even." Adam Khan wanted
to invade Kashmir through Poonch. In the meanwhile
the Sultan smelling the perfidy and colloboration
of Hassan Kuchhi (who had anointed him as the
Sultan) with Adam Khan, got him assasinated. On
hearing this Adam Khan retreated to Jammu. But he
was not destined to live long. While fighting on
the side of Manikya Deva of Jammu, his maternal
uncle, against the Moguls, Adam Khan was killed.
Haider Khan got his dead body to Srinagar and he
was buried beside his mother at Suhyar, on the
bank of Jhelum between Ali Kadal and Nawa Kadal.
The Sultan had become so
week-minded and suspicious that he did not accord
befitting reception even to his son Hassan
returning from his victorious military expedition
outside Kashmir. His Nero-like disposition has
been graphically delineated by Shrivara when the
Lakshimpur, a town founded by Shahabud Din (at the
foot of Hari Parbat), was in flames and the five
annexes of his own residence ( as the prince )
were burning the Sultan ascended the roof of his
palace and felt so much jubiliant (on seeing the
ravages of fire) that he began to indulge in
drinking there and then." While attending a
drinking party in his lotus-palace, his foot
slipped on the marble floor. He fell down and his
nose began to bleed profusely. He swooned into a
coma from which he never recovered afterwards. He
breathed his last in the month of Baisakh on
Basant Panchmi in 1472 A.D. At that time the Royal
power was swinging between his uncle Behram Khan
and the prince Hassan, like a person of suspicious
disposition not knowing on whom to depend."
Shrivara has clearly
indicated that a knotty problem of succession to
Haidar Shah confronted the courtiers when the
Sultan died. One Ahmed Yatu (whom Shrivara calls
as "Ayukta" or the Commissar), after
having consultations with the nobles offered the
crown to Behram Khan, the youngest son of Budshah
on one condition that he would declare Prince
Hassan as his heir-apparent. He did not agree to
this. Ahmed Yatu, with the consent of the
ministers, thought it more expedient to confer
sultanate on inexperienced Hassan than on
turbulent and haughty Behram. The learned
historians of this period, Dr. Parmu, Dr. Mohibul
Hassan. Dr. Kapur have applied the axe there and
have erroneonsly inferred that Prince Hassan got
the throne without any murmur from Behram Khan.
The actual facts are that Behram Khan did collect
the forces loyal to him when the negotiations with
Ahmed Yatu broke down. Skirmishes did take place,
but the roval guards under the command of
Abhimanyu thwarted the plans of Behram Khan.
Moreover, Shrivara has recorded unambiguously that
when Prince Hassan was informed that the city was
cleared off of the enemies and he himself was safe
and secure, he ordered the coffin of his father to
be taken to the ancestral grave-yard. About
Hassan's contender for power (Behram Khan)
Shrivara goes on to say, "On hearing about
the exploits of his nephew (Prince Hassan) and the
very low morale of his own forces, Behram Khan
left Kashmir along with his son." The
chronicler has implicitly narrated that Behram
Khan wanted to usurp the throne through force, but
Prince Hassan with his bravery over - whelmed his
(Behram's) army which ultimately got depressed. No
other course was lelt to Behram but to flee the
country of his birth like his eldest brother Adam.
He took his son with, so that he would escape the
usual reprisal. If we care to read between the
lines about the mention of burial of Haider Khan
by Shrivara, the natural inference would be that
the burial was delayed because of the uncertain
conditions in the city. There must have been
street fights between the adherents of Behram and
admirers of Hassan. That is also the reason that
the Prince had to postpone his coronation by
sixteen days. The culmination of this internecine
fued we find later, at the very outset of Hassan
Shah's rule. Only when calm was restored in the
city and it was declared safe for the royal
cortege to move to the ancestral burial-ground,
Prince Hassan accompanied the coffin of his father
to the grave-yard and laid to rest his father
Haider Shah towards the feet of his parent Budshah
at Mazari Salatin. Everybody present at the
funeral threw a handful of earth over his grave.
When it got filled up with earth a grave stone
higher in the middle was raised on it with the
epitaph that "the Sultan was relentless in
war." With all his defects, as enumerated
earlier, Haider Shah was a great lover of music
and fine arts. He composed poetry in Persian and
also in the "Language of Hindustan" i.e.
(doubtlessly) Hindi. He was also very adept in
flute - playing and was considered a past- master
in this art. The rabab - players like Bahlol and
others were generously rewarded by him. The
disciple of Khwaja Abdul Qadir Mulla Daud taught
him to play on Veena.
Before concluding we may
refer to some points on general information as
narrated by Shrivara. Due to excessive use of
liquor here in Kashmir, or the decline in the
growth of grapes, wine was extracted from suger-beet
for the first time here. This "Fairy land of
Grapes", so dear to Kalhana and Bilhana, had
now declared its bankrupcy in producing this sweet
luscious fruit any more.
Shrivara also for the
first time gives the synonym of Vitasta as Jhelum.
Till his time we nowhere find this notice of
Jhelum in Sanskrit chronicles.
The Sultan though a
chronic addict would sometimes pass off nights in
vigil listening to the Puranas and other
scriptures (of Hindus) laying down the guidelines
for salvation. He felt very much impressed by
these. Perhaps this was the sole reason which
prompted the Sultan to entrust his son, Prince
Hassan to Shrivara for his all round upbringing.
Shrivara would narrate the tales from Brhat Katha
to him. Shrivara has for the first time made
mention of the Dal Lake, which name persists even
today. Prior to him this lake was known by the
name of "Sureshwari Sara." He also
refers to the floating gardens on its surface and
the twin 'lankas' (islands) of 'Ropa' and 'Sona'
there. He writes "spread over twelve miles
this Dal Lake has for its constant companion the
Hari Parvat which in the hope of reaping virtuous
reward always drenches itself with its holy water
- (is reflected in its water always). According to
Shrivara the bank of Dal Lake was a hub of
cultural and social life of Kashmiris at that
time. There, on its bank, were the places of
pilgrimage, monastries, palaces, hostels for
students and the pennance-groves so more
sanctified than Varanasi." Likewise he has
used the epithet "Ullol" for "Mahapadmasar"
- the name of the Wular Lake then. One glaring
fact comes to surface while going through the
reigns of Budshah and his son Haider Shah: that is
the ascendancy of Sayeds. In a sense this clan,
which got power firstly through the magnetic
personalities of Syed Ali Hamdani and his son Syed
Mohammed and also through matrimonial alliances
with the reigning kings, can be safely called
non-Kashmiri. They are supposed to be the direct
descendants of Prophet Mohammed. Budshah offered
his daughter to Syed Nissar and made him the
governor of one of the provinces, probably Beerwah,
as it is known now. Budshah had even himself
married Bodha Khatoon, a Sayed. He also got a
Sayed spouse for his son Prince Haibat. Sultan
Haider Shah married his son Hassan to a Sayed
girl, daughter of Miyan Hassan. In this way, the
three Sultans - Budshah, Haidershah and Hassan
Shah, the grandfather the father and the son, had
Sayed queens. Therefore, the Sayeds had ample
opportunities to come to power over and above the
heads of the local factions of Maliks, Magreys,
Kuchhais and Yatus. The 'History of Sultans'
heretofore is actually a continuous strife between
these clans to capture power. At times the
helpless Sultan had to surrender to the chief of
the victorious faction and appoint him as his
Prime Minister.
The Sayeds, commanding
respect in the 'harem' got intoxicated by the
power they enjoyed with the Sultans and did not
behave well and had to be exiled from Kashmir many
a time.
Source: Glimpses
of Kashmiri Culture
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