Regionalisation
of Federalism
By Dr. M.K. Teng
The regionalisation
of the national consensus on a parliamentary majority, which has emerged
as the dominant feature of the post-election political scene in India,
may in the long run, break up the structure of the division of powers between
the Central government and the States and undermine the Indian federal
organization. The breakdown of the national consensus on a parliamentary
majority is, in itself, a national calamity. Hung parliaments do not necessarily
represent any conscious effort of the electorate to pluralise the authority
of the government. For, there is hardly any initiative, that any of the
political parties, which were in the fray for the elections, took to claim
a mandate on the pluralisation of the authority of the Indian state. The
Indian federal organization underlines, as do all other federal polities
in the world, a division a powers, between the federal government and the
governments of the federating units, which is defined and guaranteed by
the federal constitution. Any regionalisation of the federal authority
would, as a matter of course, dissolve all basis for a division of powers,
in which the federal government is entrusted with authority, defined by
the constitution as the states are, and which forms the basic groundwork
of the Indian federal system.
The Indian federation grew out of two diametrically
divergent processes which underlined the devolution of authority to the
provincial governments of the erstwhile British India on the one hand and
the integration of the authority of the federating princely states on the
other hand. The federal organization of India was, therefore, constituted
of the provinces of the British India and the Indian States, which were
liberated from the British tutelage after the British colonial empire in
India came to its end in 1947. Neither the British Indian provinces nor
the federating states represented any coherent regional identities, with
ethnic, cultural and linguistic uniformity. The provinces as well as the
states were also conglomerates of disparate sub-national diversities and
neither of them could claim any regional authority on the basis of sub-national
boundaries. The provinces were administrative divisions of a centralized
power structure, the British had forged to govern India. The princely states
were the peripheral salient of the British colonial organization in India,
which had emerged with the expansion of the British power, from the crumbling
kingdoms which the British smothered one after the other. They did not
possess any coherent personality to claim a division of powers on any form
of sub-national diversity. The Princes never possessed any powers, except
the ceremonial and the splendor, the British allowed them to exhibit and
the authority to collect revenues in order that the coffers of the British
empire were amply filled, and they had plenty for themselves to squander.
The farmers of the Indian constitution did
not unite any national or sub-national identities into a federal form,
which they named the Republic of India. If they had attempted to do that,
the Indian federal organization would have never been envisaged. The Constituent
Assembly of India accepted the territorial and political basis of the Indian
unity, the British had assiduously fostered. At no stage did the Constituent
Assembly seek to identify the Indian federal organization with any subnational
diversity. It could not do so, because the subnational diversities in India
did not have any social, territorial or political description.
The Indian federal system was embedded in
an environment, which was plural and diverse but its boundaries did not
overlap cultural, linguistic or religious pluralities of the Indian society.
The Jammu and Kashmir alone represented a variation of the federal principle,
the Constitution of India envisaged. However, the recognition of Jammu
and Kashmir as a sub-national identity on the basis of the Muslim majority
character of its population, led to its exclusion from the federal organisation
of India, for the sub-national identity it claimed, could not be reconciled
to the basic structure of the political organization and federal division
of powers, the Constitution of India embodied. The consequences proved
to be disastrous.
The Vajpayee government should put itself
on guard lest the coalition politics, which the National Front has acclaimed
as the beginning of the regionalisation of the federal authority in India,
leads to the liquidation of the Indian federation. Regionalisation of power
on the basis of sub-national pluralism is irreconcillable to federalism,
which is an attribute of division of powers on the territorial and administrative
basis. Vajpayee government cannot afford to overlook the difference between
federal autonomy, to which it is committed and the pluralisation of the
authority of the Indian state on the basis of ethnicity, caste, religion
and language, which it is committed to resist.
Source: Kashmir
Sentinel
|