Cross-Border Terrorism
A Historical Perspective
By Dr. M.K. Teng
The English and the European historians of the
British empire in India, nursed a vested interest
in their resistance, to recognise the Sanskirit
content of the Indian civilisation as a fact of
the history of the sub-continent. To perpetuate
the British rule in India, they sought to divide
the Hindu society in order to dilute the Hindu
majority character of the Indian population, which
they knew was the only formidable force they had
to contend with. The conflict between the British
outlook and the Indian aspirations came to surface
with the Indian renaissance which provided
ideological content to the national movement in
India and for civilisational frontiers of the
Indian nation.
The Muslims in India had also a vested interest in
refusing to recognise the Sanskritisation of India
as a fact of history. They had ruled India for a
thousand years and all through their rule they had
followed their religious responsibility to de-Sanskritise
as much of India as they were able. The Muslims
spurned the Indian renaissance and Muslim India,
in whatever way it was described by the British
and the Muslims themselves or even the Hindus, did
not share the national response the Indian
renaissance evoked. They rejected the unification
of India on the basis of the Sanskrit content of
the Indian civilizationa, the continuity of the
Indian history and the civilisation frontiers of
the Indian nation, the Indian renaissance
underlined. The ideological commitments of the
Indian national movement were bound to reverse the
de-Sanskritisation of India, the Muslims had
followed. As the national movement spread out to
the masses of the Indian people and assumed a more
revolutionary course with the commencement of
non-cooperation, the Muslim leadership stepped up
the campaign of Tablig, propagation of Islam and
Tahreek its operationalisation through an
organisational movement the Tanzim to re-state
their rejection of unity of India on the basis of
its civilisational frontiers.
The Muslims leadership did not take long to
recognise the identity of interests between the
British and the Muslim in India and assigned
themselves in support of the British empire.
Mohammad Ali Jinnah who supported political reform
in India on the basis of British liberal
tradition, parted with the Indian Congress, no
sooner, the Congress described parameters of the
Indian struggle for freedom. Jinnah was a Muslim,
who conceptualised secularism in terms of
liberalist reform, which the British empire in
India enshrined. Freedom of India from the British
empire, envisaged the empowerment of the Hindu
majority in India, which was bound to identify the
Indian unity with the civilisational frontiers of
India. The Muslim leaders, including Mohammad Ali
Jinnah, supported the Indian national movement
only so far it accepted de-Sanskritsation of India
as a part of the Indian freedom movement.
The Indian renaissance evolved widespread response
from the Indian states people and they assumed a
revolutionary role in the Indian national
struggle. The Muslim leadership expressed strong
disapproval of the extension of the Congress
activities to the states. The states people formed
one-fourth of the population of India and the
states spread over one third of the territories of
India. For the Muslim leadership, the states,
particularly the Muslim ruled states were
independent of the Hindu India which claimed
freedom fearful of further alienation of the
Muslims, Gandhi and a part of the Congress
leadership, forbade the extension of Congress
activities to the States, a policy for which the
country had to pay a heavy price in the long run.
The leadership of the Indian National Congress
attempted to resolve the ideological conflict by
offering to accept a political organisation of a
United India, which did not recognise the
civilisation content of the Indian history as the
basis of the Indian unity and which did not
recognise the civilisational frontiers of the
Indian nation, the Indian renaissance had
described. The Congress leadership offered to
accept constitutional reorganisation of India,
within the broad structure of the British empire,
which was based upon a configuration of political
power, representing the ethnic diversity of India
and the interests of the various religious
communities and ethnic groups which constituted
the population of India. The Congress leadership
went to the extent of accepting a division of
power in India, on the basis of religious
divisions of the Indian population when it
accepted the cabinet Mission Plan for the transfer
of power to the Indian hands.
It is a little known fact that the Cabinet Mission
Plan was actually the handiwork of the Muslim
leadership in the Congress and the whole plan was
stealthy conveyed to the members of the Cabinet
Mission, with the assurance that it would be
accepted by the Muslim League. The plan appeared
to be acceptable to the British, because, it
virtually recognised the separate identity of the
Muslim India, ensured a separate political
identity of the princely states and retained the
British the power to safeguard the political
arrangement, it envisaged.
The Cabinet Mission envisaged the establishment of
a multi-national state of India constituted of a
Muslim India, a Hindu India and an India of the
princely states. The Muslim India was constituted
of the Muslim majority provinces with the
non-Muslim majority province of Assam and the
Hindu India was constituted of the remaining Hindu
majority provinces. The India of the princely
states was constituted of five hundred and sixty
two large and small Indian princely states. The
three Indias were united in a loose federal union
of which the federal centre was vested with powers
in respect of foreign affairs, defence and
communications. However, the federal centre was
not vested with powers to raise finances to
exercise its powers.
The Cabinet Mission Plan recognised the separate
identity of the Indian princely states and offered
them the option to accede to the federation or
remain out of it. The princely states, many of
them ruled by Muslim potentates stubbornly refused
to join the federation. The Muslim rulers claimed
the right of conquest and prescription to hold on
to their kingships as well as the prerogative to
govern their subjects in accordance with the
principles of their faith.
Nehru, who was elected the President of the Indian
National Congress in the meantime, reiterated the
resolve of the Indian people to make the federal
centre an effective instrument of governance and
warned the rulers of the princely states against
any attempt to remain out of united India. Nehru's
rejoinder unhinged the Muslim League, which was
reported to be sercretly encouraging demographic
changes to consolidate its hold on Assam and
supporting the Princes, particularly, the Muslim
rulers to remain out of the Indian federation. The
League leadership repudiated its acceptance of the
Cabinet Mission Plan and in consequence gave a
call for Direct Action for the realisation of
Pakistan. The Direct Action, launched in August
1946, plunged the country into a civil war.
Gandhi's non-violence struggle for the unity and
freedom of the country below in smoke. The Direct
Action drove the wedge deep enough to break-up the
country and concede the Muslim demand of Pakistan.
Maulana Azad's observation's that Nehru had ended
the last effort the Congress had made to keep
India united were published many years after India
won freedom. Many of the British officers in India
and Englishmen, who were involved in the
negotiations for the transfer of power in India
those days however, wrote that the implementation
of the Cabinet Mission Plan would have driven
India straight to its Balkanisation.
Pakistan, after it was founded in 1947, inherited
the legacy of the Jehad the Muslim League had
carried on to divide India. It assumed an
extra-territorial right to protect the interests
of the Muslims left behind in India, which it has
reiterated time and again during the last five
decades of the Indian freedom. It stated claim to
interfere in the princely states, which were
either populated by Muslim majorities such as
Jammu and Kashmir or ruled by Muslim princes, such
as Junagarh and Hyderabad. The insistence of the
Muslim League on the exclusion of the states from
the partition was in fact, motivated by the
interests of the League leadership do use the
states to divide India further and to provide the
ground for the continuation of the Jehad to expand
the Muslim power of Pakistan eastwards into the
Indian mainland.
The invasion of Jammu and Kashmir in 1947, and the
incessant struggle for the right of the
self-determination of the Muslim majority of the
population of the state, Pakistan has spearheaded
during last six decades is a part of the Jehad,
that country has waged against India. The
militarisation of pan-Islamic fundamentalism, what
Pakistan has used as an instrument of its policy
against India and the war of subversion and
international terrorism, which it has unleashed in
India, during the last two decades, is also a part
of the Jehad that country has waged against India.
Source: Kashmir
Sentinel
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