Pandit Communists and Left Movement in
India
Tribute to Nadim and his comrades
By Dr. M.K. Teng
The Communist outlook which pervaded the contemporary marxist ideology, cast its shadows on the
evolution of the Communist movement in
Jammu and Kashmir.
In its earlier phases, the main inspiration for
the movement was the revolutionary movement in
Russia
and the rise of the Soviets to power. In the
Indian context, the Marxist movement spread out
into an anti-imperialist struggle. Lenin did not
conceive nationalism as the basis of an
anti-imperialist struggle. Confronted by the
anomoly of an anti-imperialist struggle in India,
without recognising India as a nation, the Indian
Communist Party adopted categories of change,
which were not Indian in content and which
rejected the continuity of Indian history.
The traditional leadership of the Communist Party
in
India, in utter disregard of the historical
process which Karl Marx claimed, determined the
evolution of the human society, committed the
fateful error of ignoring the continuity of Indian
history. The communist movement in India, did not
recognise the civilisational ethos with its social
linkages, the forms of intellectual experience
which evolved in thousand of years of social
change, and the value-structures which survived
relativism of time. The Indian civilisation
determined the categorical imperatives of the
Indian society. The Indian society grew into
social forms and heirarchical gradations, the
substructures of the social culture and the forms
and institutions of authority and political
control.
The Indian renaissance which formed the foreground
of the liberation movement from foreign dominance,
marked the re-assertion of the historical
continuity of
India. The Indian renaissance did not form an
expression of the Indian reaction to the
replacement of the Mughal rule by the British
power. It represented the recognition of the
continuity of the Indian history and sought to
locate the basis of the content and contours of
the Indian nation.
Dina Nath Nadim the poet of
Kashmir and one of the founding fathers of left
movement in
Kashmir,
born and brought in an Kashmiri Pandit family
shared the processes of socialisation to which his
generation was exposed. The liberalist English
education had revolutionised the Kashmiri Pandit
mind, leaving him alone in a context which was
dominated by the frigidity of a society which
resisted change. The Kashmiri Pandits, isolated by
their commitment to liberal reformism and also to
the earlier moderate movement for the Indian
freedom, romanticised their loneliness. Nadim
actually, was the harbinger and the bard of the
spiritual satisfaction the Kashmiri Pandit
community found in its dreams of the nation of
India
and the Sanskrit content of its civilisation.
This, incidentally formed the basis of the Indian
national movement as well. Indian history was a
universe of experience in which the Indian people
had borne indescribable persecution. Nadim sang of
the revolution, which was aimed to change the
world in which he was born. He looked to the
destruction of the historical forces, which
sustained the British colonialism in
India.
He yearned for the demolition of the whole
super-structure, which had caught him and his
community in a strangle-hold. His poetry reflected
a world of desire to breathe freedom, which his
community had always been denied, and which he too
was denied even after the British colonialism
ended.
He talked to me for long hours at his home in
Srinagar, where I went to meet him. I saw deep
inside him, a sorrowful quest still unfulfilled of
a world in which he would see himself rise into a
Sphin. He did not rise. The sorrow of his
helplessness expressed itself in poetic pathos, a
deep sense of unfulfillment and impatience with
the slowly moving process of history, which, he
was, as a Marxist, trying to accelerate.
The imagery he used was very native to his race
memory and basically reflected a deep link with
the ethos of the Sanskrit civilisation of which
Jammu and Kashmir
was a part. His fundamental concept of good, was
not a catagical imperative as the left movement in
India
held it to be. This concept of good was local,
tinged by liberalist influences.
The Communist Party of India perhaps, due to the
psychological reversion of its leaders, mainly men
of the English-speaking intellectual class of
India,
were unable to overgrow their liberalist outlook.
They simply did not visualise revolutionary
movement in the context of the Indian modes of
production and the super-structures of social
gradations, institutions, values and instruments
of authority which had grown over them. Their
struggle against colonialism was not a natively
organised war to end it. They attempted to
Semitise Marxism and methodologically apply the
conceptual framework of the conflict between
Marxism and Semitic theology, to India. They tore
the revolutionary movement in India from its
civilisation moorings. Lenin had Semitised
Marxism, for the national consciousness of Russia
was dominantly Semitic. Mao Tse Tung Sinfied
Marxism, perhaps, realising that any attempt at
Semitising it in
China,
would isolate the Communist Party of China from
the Chinese milieu.
The Indian Communist Party attempted to apply the
conceptual Marxist framework of conflict between
Semitic theological precept and revolutionary
change to the Indian conditions. They were
isolated. The Sanskrit theological precept did not
conflict with change and even with revolutionary
change. Marx had refused to recognise the history
of
India, for his oft quoted, "Asiatic mode of
production", was based upon the assumption that
during the incredibly long history of India the
modes of production had remained unchanged.
The Indian communists also rejected the reality of
Indian history. The Muslims in the Communist Party
also insisted upon the rejection of the Indian
civilisation as a reality. Their denial of the
Indian history was inspired by different
considerations. In the static economic order which
the Communists in
India
underlined as the basis of the Indian history,
they identified the Marxist categories of
dialecties of history such as the classes, with
castes in India and caste-war with class-war.
They identified the ethnic centricism, including
Muslim separatism, with independent nationalities.
The self-determination for nationalities which the
communist party of
India
adopted as the basis of the freedom of
India,
was a negation of both the unity of the working
class as well as the unity of India. The Muslim
intellectual class rejected the civilisational
unity of India and the continuity of the Indian
history out of commitment to the separate Muslim
nation in India and its separate freedom. The
Communist Party in the
Punjab
and in Bengal suffered dissolution in 1947, due to
its commitment to the freedom of the nationalities
in India.
Iftikar Ahmad, a senior communist party cadre of
the
Punjab, arrived in Kashmir after the partition to
canvass for the support of the National Conference
to the accession of the State to
Pakistan.
The left flanks in the National Conference, then
led by Niranjan Nath Saraf (Raina), a thoroughbred
Marxist, rebuffed Iftikhar. When I asked Pran Nath
Jalali about the resolution on the right of
self-determination of the nationalities, the
National Conference had adopted, he explained that
the resolution for the self-determination of the
nationalities was conceived within the broad
framework of the Indian unity.
The Communist ranks in
Kashmir,
who formed an influential flank of the National
Conference, did not reject the continuity of the
Indian history, as the basis of the revolutionary
struggle in India. The conflict between them and
the Communist leadership in India, was far deeper
than it appeared to be. Nadim’s political outlook
and its expression in his poetry underlined a
spiritual belonging to the history of the Indian
civilisation. Vitasta he insisted symbolised the
“five thousand years of history” and therefore,
formed the vehicle of his famous Opera.
The Communist Party cadres in
Kashmir began to disintegrate under the pressure
of the Muslimisation of the State. N.N. Saraf (Raina)
ran away to England. The other senior leaders
wobbled in frustration. The outlook of the
Communist Party of India, still under the shadows
of Adhikari doctrine, which in effect sought to
Semitise Marxism almost on the lines Lenin had
done in Russia, identified the Muslimisation of
the state with the class conflict in Kashmir. It
reduced the communist cadres in Kashmiri to
mercenaries performing the "historical role" of
facilitating the Islamisation of the political
culture of Kashmir.
During those fateful days in
Kashmir, I was present in a meeting between Nadim
and Late Moti Lal Misri. The two men talked in
hyperboles of the abandonment of Marxist
categories in the political process that had
unfolded in the
Kashmir.
Misri was disconcerted and in agony, his head
clean shaven, which gave him a stoic bearing.
Misris were able people. Moti Lal's younger
brother Mohan Lal Misri, was one of the few
scholars in economics of growth in
India and taught at the university of Kashmir. He
too was a Marxist, more of a traditional stock.
Moti Lal, had broken up under the dichotomy in the
Indian Communist movement, its rootlessness, its
commitment to Semitise Marxism and its attempt to
relate Marxist catagories to the rise of the
movement for the unity of the Muslim Umah. The
unity of the Muslim Umah, was incidentally used by
the Soviets as an instrument of cold war. Remorse
was writ large on the face of Misri, Nadim wore
the pathetic smile of the poet in him perhaps,
expressive of greater sorrow, which gnawed at his
conscience. While Misri was leaving, he looked
back at Nadim as he reached the door way. Then
suddenly Nadim told Misri "Moti Lal, read Bhagwat
Geeta: it will give you a sense of detachment".
Misri looked back, his sardonic smile frozen on
his face. He said "alright" and left.
I did not ask Nadim any questions on what he had
told Misri though he looked at me, with the
expectation that I would. There was no need. I had
suddenly realised that the Communist cadres in
Kashmiri rejected the Semitisation of Marxism, the
Indian Communist Party had attempted and met the
disaster it did not expect. The Communist Party
idealogues and men in
Kashmir, mainly the Kashmiri Pandits did not
forsake the civilisational basis of the
revolutionary change in
India
nor did they reject the continuity of the Indian
history.
Nadim's poetry in its major appeal transcends, the
"incorrigible laws of history" and reach out to a
new epoch, which unfolded with the rise of New
Marxism or Euro-communism, during the last decades
of the cold war. He visualised revolutionary
change in continuity of the Indian history and
though that brought him in conflict with Muslim
establishment in Kashmir, he did not cut off from
his historical moorings. His poetry gleans with
pathos of the elemental tragedy of the history of
Kashmir.
Source: Kashmir
Sentinel
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